KNU accuses military of using drones to spy on its bases

The group says the Tatmadaw is violating the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement but Tatmdaw denies spying

Published on Jan 24, 2020

The Karen National Union has accused the Tatmadaw of violating the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) by spying on its armed wing with drones.

Soldiers from different battalions of the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) have spotted the drones flying above their posts in Karen state’s Hpapon township since September 2018, major Saw Kleh Do from the 5th Brigade told Myanmar Now.

Then in November last year KNLA personnel followed the drones and saw them land at Tatmadaw bases, he added.

“We agreed not to spy on each other during the ceasefire meetings. We are afraid they will abolish the NCA one day, and attack us like before,” he said.

The major’s brigade sent a letter to the Karen State Joint Ceasefire Monitoring Committee on Tuesday. The letter says Tatmadaw’s actions violated both the NCA and the military code of conduct.

 

 

The letter also called for an immediate halt to the Tatmadaw’s actions.

Under the NCA, signed in 2015, the two parties agreed to stop troop movements for territorial control, reconnaissance, recruitment, armed attacks, the laying of mines, acts of violence, destruction of property, and the launching of military offensives in ceasefire areas.

 

 

The agreement also forbids any direct or indirect action that may be regarded as hostile or contemptuous.

Maung Maung Latt, a spokesperson for the Tatmadaw’s Mawlamyine-based east command, said he had not been informed of the incidents mentioned in the KNU’s letter.

The Tatmadaw has battalions “everywhere” in the area near the KNU/KNLA’s 5th Brigade, he told Myanmar Now.

“We have to ask the sergeants there about taking (photographs) with drones. We don’t know because (the ceasefire monitoring committee) hasn’t said anything to us,” he said.

A different, national-level Tatmadaw spokesperson later denied the military was spying on ethnic armed groups using drones, but said local Tatmadaw battalions have their own non-combat drones for non-military purposes.

“We already know which armed group have battalions where,” Brig-Gen Zaw Min Tun of the Tatmadaw True News Information Team, said in a press conference in Naypyidaw Thursday. “We don’t need to bother taking their photos using drones.”

He said the Tatmadaw had been using devices similar to drones since the 1980s to take aerial photos of forests and dam locations.

Drones were spotted five times between November and December 2019 flying over 1st and 102nd battalions, major Saw Kleh Do said.

Battalion watchmen reported that the drones landed in the military strategic office in Hpapon township and the Tatmadaw-owned Kyarkho camp, he added.

Sandar Nyan is Reporter with Myanmar Now

The DKBA and local defence groups clash with the military and its subsidiary Border Guard Forces, causing more than 600 locals to flee to Thailand

Published on Jun 3, 2021
Locals take shelter on the Thai border after being displaced due to clashes in Palu, Myawaddy (CJ)

Clashes have continued to break out in Karen State’s Myawaddy Township this week, with artillery shells fired by the military landing in Thai territory on Wednesday.

However, there were no injuries, locals said.

The Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) and its allies—including local People’s Defence Forces—have been fighting the military and its Border Guard Force (BGF) since Tuesday, forcing more than 600 Karen locals in Myawaddy’s Palu area to flee across the border to Thailand.

An artillery shell fired by the Myanmar military landed near a cattle farm in Thailand where the displaced people were taking shelter, one of the Karen displaced persons said.

“It did not explode. If it did, a lot of people would have died. It landed near the farm in the morning before noon,” they told Myanmar Now.

Rumors have been circulating that two displaced persons and a Thai soldier were injured in the shelling, but an eyewitness based in Mae Sot, opposite Myawaddy, said this information was false.

“It’s not true. I went and saw it myself, there were no injuries,” they said.

DKBA leader Maj-Gen Saw Kyaw Thet said that 32 Myanmar military soldiers were killed on the first day of clashes with the Karen forces in Palu.

He added that the DKBA had joined the Myawaddy People’s Defence Force and other Karen armed groups to jointly fight against the coup regime’s armed forces.

No information regarding casualties or injuries since then was available at the time of reporting.
 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Min Aung Hlaing visits monasteries with known military ties and meets with abbot U Kawidaza, the alleged chair of the now disbanded foundation that succeeded Ma Ba Tha

Published on Jun 3, 2021
Zwegabin abbot U Kawidaza is pictured with coup leader Min Aung Hlaing on May 31 (Global New Light of Myanmar)

During a recent visit to Hpa-an, Karen State, military chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing met with a leading Buddhist monk within the ultranationalist Patriotic Association of Myanmar, widely known as Ma Ba Tha.

Junta-run newspapers confirmed the coup leader’s May 31 visit with U Kawidaza, an abbot at Zwegabin Buddhist Monastery in the Karen State capital. 

The abbot was known to have officiated anti-government and pro-military activities in line with Ma Ba Tha’s campaigns against the National League for Democracy (NLD) during the elected administration’s five-year tenure.

In 2019, he reportedly became the chairperson of the Buddha Dhamma Parahita Foundation. The organisation succeeded Ma Ba Tha and was founded days after Ma Ba Tha was disbanded by the NLD government in May 2017 for deviating from the basic rules of the Sangha, or the Buddhist monastic community. 

Following a decision by the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee—a regulatory body for Buddhist clergy—the now ousted NLD government also disbanded the foundation in July 2019.

In addition to meeting Kawidaza on May 31, coup leader Min Aung Hlaing also reportedly made donations to and met the abbots of Lamin Pariyatti, Maebaung, Moekae, and Taunggalay monasteries during his visit to Hpa-an, according to junta-run newspapers. 

At least one of the monasteries he visited, Maebaung, is known to be close to the military. As doctors and health workers participate in a general strike in accordance with the Civil Disobedience Movement aimed at toppling Myanmar’s coup regime, Maebaung opened a charity clinic on March 15 supported by military doctors.

A Buddhist monk from a prominent monastery in Mandalay told Myanmar Now that the military chief’s trip to the Hpa-an monasteries was not out of the ordinary, noting that members of the military met with Ma Ba Tha leaders often.

Thet Myo Oo, a known ultranationalist who has been active in the Ma Ba Tha movement, described Min Aung Hlaing’s visit to Hpa-an as an opportunity to recognise military supporters. 

“Not all people are protesting. There are people who don’t want [the military coup council]. But there are also people who do want it,” he told Myanmar Now.

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Wimala Buddhi, the abbot of Myazedi monastery, is pictured with Min Aung Hlaing on June 2. (Global New Light of Myanmar) 

On Wednesday, the junta chief also paid a visit to Wimala Buddhi, the abbot of Myazedi monastery in the town of Mawlamyine in Mon State, according to the state-run newspapers.

The Myazedi abbot, a former boxer, is the general secretary of Ma Ba Tha and is notorious for making hateful speeches against Myanmar’s Muslim minority as well as anti-military political groups in the country. 

In 2015, he threatened political parties with reprisals for not supporting racist bills, including one penalising marriage with Buddhist women and men of other faiths. 

Ma Ba Tha has stayed largely out of the public eye since the February 1 coup. Prominent Ma Ba Tha leader and ultranationalist monk Wirathu—who was charged under Section 124a of the Penal Code in 2019 by the NLD administration—remains in prison.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Months after a report on abuses and corruption in prison labour camps prompted calls for reforms and investigations, little has changed.    

Published on Mar 5, 2017

ZIN KYEIK LABOUR CAMP, Mon State — Prisoners continue to conduct hard labour in shackles in a Mon State labour camp, Myanmar Now has found, despite calls for reforms by lawmakers and investigations into prison abuses by a UN rights envoy and the International Labour Organisation.

In September, a special report by Myanmar Now revealed widespread corruption and human rights abuses, such as continuous shackling and beatings, in Myanmar’s 48 prison labour camps, which hold some 20,000 convicts.

The revelations prompted National League for Democracy MPs to question the Minister of Home Affairs over the conditions, while United Nations special rapporteur for human rights in Myanmar Yanghee Lee went to inspect Zin Kyeik Labour Camp in Mon State in early January.

In an end-of-mission statement she expressed concern over alleged forced labour and “the use of shackles as a form of additional punishment (including during quarry work) and the lack of transparency on how prisoners are selected for transfer to the camp.” She added that prisoners had been ordered to clean the camp shortly before her visit.

These public calls appeared, however, to have had little impact on prison authorities in charge at Zin Kyeik Labour Camp.

In late January, this reporter photographed dozens of thin-looking prisoners, shackled at all times, working manually at the quarry. The site holds some 400 convicts, who are put to work on a daily basis, using sledgehammers to break rocks into gravel, while others load pieces of rock onto lorries.

According to official prison rules, convicts can only be kept shackled up to one month after arrival in a camp or prison.

This reporter entered the camp to seek comments from authorities on the conditions. Prison officials denied that shackling prisoners at all times was a common practice and insisted that the numerous prisoners were being shackled because they all had recently arrived.

Aung Lwin Oo, deputy director at Zin Kyeik Camp, said shackling the prisoners for the first month after they arrive was a necessary measure to prevent escape.

“The prison authorities lock the legs of prisoners so they are unable to escape from jail or breach prison rules, which may increase their punishment,” he said during an interview at his office.

The mother of a prisoner at Zin Kyeik Camp said she was deeply concerned her son’s health. “My son now has to work in the rock quarry with the iron shackles,” she said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

She added that when she visited the camp in early January she saw another prisoner sustain a serious injury when falling rocks hit his shackled legs.

Forced labour for profit

The construction material produced from free manual labour is sold by prison authorities to well-known local construction companies. Obtained documents showed millions of dollars in annual revenue are generated from 18 quarries — officially called “manufacturing centres” — in southeastern Myanmar.

At another 20 camps in Shan State and Sagaing Region prisoners are put to work on plantations, which are officially referred to as “agriculture and livestock breeding training careers centres.”

Myanmar Now’s investigation revealed prisoners there are subject to daily beatings by prison officials and their aides to speed up work or to extract bribes from convicts. Prisoners were also rented out as labourers to commercial agribusinesses, with authorities collecting the payments.

The practice of letting private companies use convicts violates the 1930 Forced Labour Convention of the International Labour Organisation (ILO), which Myanmar signed and ratified in 1955.

ILO’s Myanmar office accepted one complaint of forced labour by a former convict in September and said the government had agreed to look into the case.

ILO’s report for an upcoming meeting of its Governing Body describes the allegations that prisoners are “made to work in quarries and plantations run by the correction authorities for private commercial purposes, or else are allegedly put to work at private plantations nearby the correction centres for the private gain of the authorities, without being paid.”

The report said ILO wants to support prison reform in Myanmar and plans to conduct training of the prison administration on international standards for prison labour.

It notes, however, that the NLD government has so far failed to convene the inter-ministerial Technical Working Group on handling forced labour complaints. Neither has the government taken any action on 61 complaints of underage recruitment and forced labour submitted by the ILO since the administration assumed office in April last year.

UN envoy Yanghee Lee said in a recent report that the Ministry of Home Affairs had announced plans to revise the draft Prison Law, adding that she hoped it would be in line with international standards.

So far, Myanmar’s democratic reforms have largely bypassed the country’s notorious prison system and labour camps, which totally hold some 100,000 prisoners.

When MPs asked the military-controlled Home Affairs Ministry to close the labour camps in December, General Aung Soe replied there were no labour camps, but only “vocational training centres for prisoners.” He added that sufficient mechanisms were in place to prevent abuses.

Former convicts interviewed by Myanmar Now said none had ever received vocational training during their ordeals in the labour camps.

Aung Lwin Oo, deputy director at Zin Kyeik Labour Camp, said he could not implement vocational training programmes even if he wanted to.

“We have no authority to conduct vocational training courses at our camp,” he said. “The regular activity at our camp is to extract rocks — except on gazetted holidays.”

This article was originally published by Myanmar Now. TOP PHOTO: Prisoners are seen in Mon State’s Zin Kyeik Labour Camp quarry, manually breaking rocks while shackled at the legs. (Swe Win | Myanmar Now)

Swe Win is the Editor-in-Chief of Myanmar Now.

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