Kayah state gears up for post-election political manoeuvres

The NLD’s failure to win an outright majority in the state means that it will have to find a way to work with a local rival  

The KySDP campaigning in September before the election. (Photo: Kay Zun Nwai / Myanmar Now) 

The National League for Democracy (NLD) has won another resounding victory nationwide, but in some parts of the country, its hold on power is not as secure as it was after 2015. 

Notably, in Kayah state, the ruling party will soon find itself forced to work together with a much smaller ethnic party in the state parliament. 

With nine of the state legislature’s 20 seats, the NLD is in a position to choose the chief minister of Myanmar’s smallest and least populous state, but not the speaker of its parliament. For that, it will have to negotiate with the Kayah State Democratic Party (KySDP).

Like the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the KySDP picked up three seats in the state parliament in this year’s election. At least 11 votes are needed to choose the speaker and vice-speaker.

 

 

In theory, the USDP could control the legislature with the cooperation of the state’s five military-appointed MPs. To do that, however, it would also need the support of the KySDP.

“We spent a lot of time explaining that. This is one of the reasons we lost this election,” KySDP General Secretary Khu Theh Reh said of the party’s attendance at a meeting with the Tatmadaw commander-in-chief 

 

 

While this scenario is unlikely, it’s clear that that the ethnic Kayah party will not be a pushover as a junior partner, regardless of which major party it aligns itself with. 

There have been many tensions between the NLD and political activists in Kayah state. As the ruling party, the NLD has come under fire for its decision to erect a bronze statue of independence hero General Aung San in the centre of Loikaw, the state capital. The party’s image was further tarnished by a heavy-handed crackdown on protestors, which saw a number of leaders imprisoned for their opposition to what they saw as a symbol of Bamar nationalism.

Another source of resentment has been the government’s efforts to restrict the activities of civil society organizations. This has only served to strengthen the determination of local activists to win control over their own destiny by contesting elections. To this end, two ethnic Kayah parties joined forces to form the KySDP, which won a total of eight seats in last month’s election, including five at the Union level.

A disappointing finish

Despite its success, however, the party was less than thrilled with the outcome of the election. Khu Theh Reh, the general secretary of the KySDP, told Myanmar Now that the party had expected to win 70 percent of the 34 seats that were up for grabs in the state. It won just a third of that target.

According to Khu Theh Reh, one reason for the party’s poor performance was its decision to participate in a meeting that brought 34 political parties together with Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the Tatmadaw commander-in-chief, before the election. This gave rival parties a good opportunity to strike out, he said.

“We spent a lot of time explaining that. This is one of the reasons we lost this election,” he said of the decision to join the meeting. That decision, the party said in a statement released the day after the meeting, was made solely by the party’s chairman, and did not have the support of the KySDP as a whole.

“I don't like it because it was not an honest contest,” said Thaung Htay, the NLD chair in Kayah state.

Meanwhile, efforts to turn close ties with other parties to their advantage also didn’t pan out as planned. The Kayan National Party (KNP), an ally of the KySDP, failed to pick up a single seat in the state. The NLD won in Demawso township, where the two allied parties made an all-out bid to win together. But even though they lost, they did manage to come out in second place in the vote count, ahead of the USDP.

KNP chair Khun B Htoo attributed this loss largely to what he saw as local people’s lack of understanding of the overall political situation, which made it difficult to explain the importance of federalism. However, he stopped short of blaming the electorate for his party’s failure to win any seats.

“We cannot say that the political knowledge among the public is low. They are in a position to accept the result because it was their decision. Compared to the 2015 election, we have improved a lot. The areas of strong public support have become clear,” he said.

A complicated state

Kayah state may be small in size, but it has a very varied political landscape. Even the ruling NLD, which once again demonstrated the breadth of its appeal by winning another landslide victory, did not win a single seat in three of the state's seven townships.

In this case, the NLD did not hesitate in pointing a finger to explain its electoral disappointments. Thaung Htay, the NLD chair in Kayah state, accused the Karenni Army (the armed wing of the formerly exiled Karenni National Progressive Party, or KNPP) of using intimidation to prevent people voting NLD in Phruso township. He said that armed township-level KNPP officials ordered voters to cast their ballots for the KySDP.

“I don't like it because it was not an honest contest,” he said.

Khu Theh Reh, the KySDP’s general secretary, rejected this accusation, however. “The KNPP supported us as an ethnic party striving to achieve self-government in the state. But we didn’t have a deal with them,” he said, noting that the KNPP backed the NLD in 2015.

He added that the KySDP won in Phruso and Shadaw townships because they’re not as ethnically diverse as other townships in the state. Most of their inhabitants, he said, are ethnic Kayah.

The KNPP—which signed a bilateral, state-level ceasefire agreement in 2012, but remains a non-signatory to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement—made no secret of its preferences in the election. 

“At first glance, the letter sounds good, but there is no real substance,” KNP chair Khun B Htoo said of NLD calls to ethnic parties to join its efforts to create a federal union

Speaking to Myanmar Now about a month before the election, Shwe Myo, the KNPP’s secretary general, said that the group would support a state-based party that shared its goal of building a federal democratic union.

“We would consider supporting a national party for the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, but at the state level, we want a local party. This would be good not only for the state, but also for building a genuine federal union,” he said.

The third party

The military-backed USDP managed to win six seats in total in Kayah state, including three in the state parliament. One of the constituencies it won was Bawlakhe township, home to several military bases. Soe Thein, the former minister of the President's Office, won here again, as he did when he ran as an independent in 2015. 

Sai Lin Lin Oo, the NLD candidate who lost in Bawlakhe, said there were indications that the USDP won for two main reasons: military votes and Soe Thein’s money, which he suggested was used to win the favour of local voters.

Maw Reh, a spokesperson for the USDP in Kayah state, rejected the idea that the party had guaranteed support from the military. He also denied charges that Soe Thein used his own money to buy votes.

Defying expectations, largely rural and underdeveloped Bawlakhe had the highest voter turnout in the state: According to the Union Election Commission, at least 84 percent of its eligible voters cast a ballot.

Now that the dust has settled from the election, another scramble is likely to begin, as the parties each position themselves to maximize their influence and push their respective agendas. 

Four days after the election, the NLD wrote a letter addressed to 48 ethnic parties, offering to work together with them to achieve a democratic federal union. So far, however, the response to the letter has been cautious.

“At first glance, the letter sounds good, but there is no real substance,” said KNP chair Khun B Htoo. Whether the NLD and ethnic parties can succeed in becoming allies after the 2020 election will depend on the ruling party’s actions, he added.

The KySDP’s Khu Theh Reh said that his party would first try to take effective action in the state parliament on its own. Joining the cabinet would be a lower priority, he said. 

He added that the KySDP wants to negotiate with the NLD to choose the speaker or vice-speaker of the state parliament. Having one party in control of the government and another in charge of parliament would be the best way to ensure that effective checks and balances are in place, he said.   

"Our policy is to integrate with the democratic forces. But it is too early to tell. If we can’t avoid joining a group, the only choice is the NLD,” said Khu Theh Reh.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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