Kayah state gears up for post-election political manoeuvres

The NLD’s failure to win an outright majority in the state means that it will have to find a way to work with a local rival  

The KySDP campaigning in September before the election. (Photo: Kay Zun Nwai / Myanmar Now) 

The National League for Democracy (NLD) has won another resounding victory nationwide, but in some parts of the country, its hold on power is not as secure as it was after 2015. 

Notably, in Kayah state, the ruling party will soon find itself forced to work together with a much smaller ethnic party in the state parliament. 

With nine of the state legislature’s 20 seats, the NLD is in a position to choose the chief minister of Myanmar’s smallest and least populous state, but not the speaker of its parliament. For that, it will have to negotiate with the Kayah State Democratic Party (KySDP).

Like the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the KySDP picked up three seats in the state parliament in this year’s election. At least 11 votes are needed to choose the speaker and vice-speaker.

 

 

In theory, the USDP could control the legislature with the cooperation of the state’s five military-appointed MPs. To do that, however, it would also need the support of the KySDP.

“We spent a lot of time explaining that. This is one of the reasons we lost this election,” KySDP General Secretary Khu Theh Reh said of the party’s attendance at a meeting with the Tatmadaw commander-in-chief 

 

 

While this scenario is unlikely, it’s clear that that the ethnic Kayah party will not be a pushover as a junior partner, regardless of which major party it aligns itself with. 

There have been many tensions between the NLD and political activists in Kayah state. As the ruling party, the NLD has come under fire for its decision to erect a bronze statue of independence hero General Aung San in the centre of Loikaw, the state capital. The party’s image was further tarnished by a heavy-handed crackdown on protestors, which saw a number of leaders imprisoned for their opposition to what they saw as a symbol of Bamar nationalism.

Another source of resentment has been the government’s efforts to restrict the activities of civil society organizations. This has only served to strengthen the determination of local activists to win control over their own destiny by contesting elections. To this end, two ethnic Kayah parties joined forces to form the KySDP, which won a total of eight seats in last month’s election, including five at the Union level.

A disappointing finish

Despite its success, however, the party was less than thrilled with the outcome of the election. Khu Theh Reh, the general secretary of the KySDP, told Myanmar Now that the party had expected to win 70 percent of the 34 seats that were up for grabs in the state. It won just a third of that target.

According to Khu Theh Reh, one reason for the party’s poor performance was its decision to participate in a meeting that brought 34 political parties together with Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the Tatmadaw commander-in-chief, before the election. This gave rival parties a good opportunity to strike out, he said.

“We spent a lot of time explaining that. This is one of the reasons we lost this election,” he said of the decision to join the meeting. That decision, the party said in a statement released the day after the meeting, was made solely by the party’s chairman, and did not have the support of the KySDP as a whole.

“I don't like it because it was not an honest contest,” said Thaung Htay, the NLD chair in Kayah state.

Meanwhile, efforts to turn close ties with other parties to their advantage also didn’t pan out as planned. The Kayan National Party (KNP), an ally of the KySDP, failed to pick up a single seat in the state. The NLD won in Demawso township, where the two allied parties made an all-out bid to win together. But even though they lost, they did manage to come out in second place in the vote count, ahead of the USDP.

KNP chair Khun B Htoo attributed this loss largely to what he saw as local people’s lack of understanding of the overall political situation, which made it difficult to explain the importance of federalism. However, he stopped short of blaming the electorate for his party’s failure to win any seats.

“We cannot say that the political knowledge among the public is low. They are in a position to accept the result because it was their decision. Compared to the 2015 election, we have improved a lot. The areas of strong public support have become clear,” he said.

A complicated state

Kayah state may be small in size, but it has a very varied political landscape. Even the ruling NLD, which once again demonstrated the breadth of its appeal by winning another landslide victory, did not win a single seat in three of the state's seven townships.

In this case, the NLD did not hesitate in pointing a finger to explain its electoral disappointments. Thaung Htay, the NLD chair in Kayah state, accused the Karenni Army (the armed wing of the formerly exiled Karenni National Progressive Party, or KNPP) of using intimidation to prevent people voting NLD in Phruso township. He said that armed township-level KNPP officials ordered voters to cast their ballots for the KySDP.

“I don't like it because it was not an honest contest,” he said.

Khu Theh Reh, the KySDP’s general secretary, rejected this accusation, however. “The KNPP supported us as an ethnic party striving to achieve self-government in the state. But we didn’t have a deal with them,” he said, noting that the KNPP backed the NLD in 2015.

He added that the KySDP won in Phruso and Shadaw townships because they’re not as ethnically diverse as other townships in the state. Most of their inhabitants, he said, are ethnic Kayah.

The KNPP—which signed a bilateral, state-level ceasefire agreement in 2012, but remains a non-signatory to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement—made no secret of its preferences in the election. 

“At first glance, the letter sounds good, but there is no real substance,” KNP chair Khun B Htoo said of NLD calls to ethnic parties to join its efforts to create a federal union

Speaking to Myanmar Now about a month before the election, Shwe Myo, the KNPP’s secretary general, said that the group would support a state-based party that shared its goal of building a federal democratic union.

“We would consider supporting a national party for the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, but at the state level, we want a local party. This would be good not only for the state, but also for building a genuine federal union,” he said.

The third party

The military-backed USDP managed to win six seats in total in Kayah state, including three in the state parliament. One of the constituencies it won was Bawlakhe township, home to several military bases. Soe Thein, the former minister of the President's Office, won here again, as he did when he ran as an independent in 2015. 

Sai Lin Lin Oo, the NLD candidate who lost in Bawlakhe, said there were indications that the USDP won for two main reasons: military votes and Soe Thein’s money, which he suggested was used to win the favour of local voters.

Maw Reh, a spokesperson for the USDP in Kayah state, rejected the idea that the party had guaranteed support from the military. He also denied charges that Soe Thein used his own money to buy votes.

Defying expectations, largely rural and underdeveloped Bawlakhe had the highest voter turnout in the state: According to the Union Election Commission, at least 84 percent of its eligible voters cast a ballot.

Now that the dust has settled from the election, another scramble is likely to begin, as the parties each position themselves to maximize their influence and push their respective agendas. 

Four days after the election, the NLD wrote a letter addressed to 48 ethnic parties, offering to work together with them to achieve a democratic federal union. So far, however, the response to the letter has been cautious.

“At first glance, the letter sounds good, but there is no real substance,” said KNP chair Khun B Htoo. Whether the NLD and ethnic parties can succeed in becoming allies after the 2020 election will depend on the ruling party’s actions, he added.

The KySDP’s Khu Theh Reh said that his party would first try to take effective action in the state parliament on its own. Joining the cabinet would be a lower priority, he said. 

He added that the KySDP wants to negotiate with the NLD to choose the speaker or vice-speaker of the state parliament. Having one party in control of the government and another in charge of parliament would be the best way to ensure that effective checks and balances are in place, he said.   

"Our policy is to integrate with the democratic forces. But it is too early to tell. If we can’t avoid joining a group, the only choice is the NLD,” said Khu Theh Reh.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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