Jade-rich Tatmadaw general to investigate deadly Hpakant mine disaster

Soe Htut among largest shareholders in military conglomerate with more jade licenses than any other company in Myanmar

A rescue team carries the dead body of a person retrieved from the Wai Khar jade mine in Hpakant, Kachin on July 4, 2020. (Photo: Myanmar Fire Service Department)

The president’s office has named a military general with large jade investments to a committee investigating a massive landslide that killed more than 170 people at a Kachin state jade mine last week. 

Myanmar’s multibillion-dollar, largely unregulated jade industry is the world’s largest, with much of it controlled by military-owned businesses. Rights groups have long railed against corruption, human rights violations and unsafe working conditions, and outside observers have repeatedly cited the role of military-owned businesses as the largest impediment to reform. 

Lieutenant general Soe Htut, the military-appointed minister of home affairs, is one of the largest single shareholders of Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL), a vast military conglomerate with more jade licenses than any other company in the country - all of them in Kachin state. 

The six-person committee he’s been appointed to is charged with identifying the responsible parties and deciding what reforms might prevent similar disasters in the future. It is being led by environmental minister Ohn Win.

 

 

“It’s farcical for the government to include an MEHL shareholder on a commission into last week’s disaster,” said Hanna Hindstrom, senior campaign manager for the London-based environment and human rights monitor Global Witness. “Military-owned and connected companies are among the largest obstacles to implementing reforms in the jade sector, as well as the peace process more broadly,.” 

The lucrative trade has also fueled and financed decades of conflict between the military and the ethnic groups indigenous to the country’s gemstone-rich borderlands. 

 

 

The Wai Khar mine, where monsoon rains pooled before collapsing one wall and killing at least 172 people Thursday morning, does not appear to be affiliated with MEHL or the military. 

Still, experts say, Soe Htut’s role on the commission presents a serious conflict of interest. 

Chris Sidoti, an international law expert who served on a UN fact-finding mission investigating the military’s business ties last year, said it’s essential for these sort of investigative committees to be free from interested parties.

“The military is an interested party and so there’s a very clear conflict,” he told Myanmar Now. “An MEHL connection makes it even more compromised. That’s the bottom line, end of story!”

A military spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment. 

The activist group Justice for Myanmar also condemned Soe Htut’s appointment to the committee in a statement Sunday morning. It demanded all members disclose information about their private assets and step down if they have any industry tries. 

Representatives from MEHL and the president’s office could not be reached by Tuesday evening.  

‘More lives will be lost’

Aung San Suu Kyi’s ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party won in landslide elections in 2015 in part on promises to reform the industry, though little has changed so far. 

US President Barack Obama has been widely criticised by rights groups for lifting long-standing sanctions on the industry in 2016, after Suu Kyi had transitioned into power - the country’s first civilian leader in more than 50 years - but before any concrete reform had taken place.

The Myanmar Imperial Jade Company, an MEHL subsidiary, was awarded 361 licenses in the first two months of 2016, right before the NLD took power. It holds 397 jade licenses in total - more than any other company in the country, according to a 2018 report from the Myanmar Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (EITI). Several are in Hpakant, where the Wai Khar mine is.

Moe Moe Htun, a civil society representative to EITI, said ad-hoc responses to these disasters after they occur will never end what has become an annual occurrence. 

“No matter how many by-laws or policies are legislated, there will be no solution if these are not enforced,” she told Myanmar Now.

A new gemstone law was passed in 2019, but it was widely criticised as ineffectual and written in service to investors at the expense of workers and the environment. It has yet to go into effect.

“Myanmar’s leaders have demonstrated an endemic lack of political will to confront some of the most powerful military-linked … companies responsible for social and environmental destruction in Hpakant,” said Hindstrom. “This was true during the military era and unfortunately remains the case under the civilian administration today.” 

The Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC) on Friday said it “defies understanding” that mining companies “have not bothered to carry out human rights due diligence and the necessary risk assessment” despite making billions of dollars a year. 

Thursday’s disaster was the deadliest the industry has seen in at least five years.  

The jade mine was officially closed for the rainy season but migrants from across the country still regularly scavenge for the precious stones there.

On Monday the military said it had punished colonel Nay Lin Htun, the Kachin state border and security affairs minister, and an unnamed military commander for failing to report unauthorized miners in the closed area. 

“These are restricted and prohibited areas. They had a security duty to examine the area and report any violations,” brigadier general Zaw Min Tun, a military spokesperson, told Myanmar Now.

He said colonel Nay Lin Htun has been removed from his post. He had been there since 2018. 

According to Myanmar’s fire service, the Wai Khar mine is owned by a conglomerate of five local companies: Yadanar Kywae, Kyuak Myat Shwe Kyi, Yadanar San Shwan, Ayeyar Yadanar and Thit Thone Lone.

“This was an entirely preventable tragedy that should serve as an urgent wake-up call for the government,” said Paul Donowitz, Global Witness campaign leader. 

“The longer the government waits to introduce rigorous reforms of the jade sector, the more lives will be lost.”

Additional reporting by Hay Man Pyae

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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