‘It’s not good to back down in politics’ - veteran Muslim activist finally able to contest a seat for the NLD 

Win Mya Mya survived a massacre and prison while fighting for the NLD, only to miss out on standing as an MP in 2015 because of her religion 

Win Mya Mya was seriously injured during 2003 Depayin uprising and subsequently detained for a few months (Photo- Min Min/ Myanmar Now)

Win Mya Mya was a political prisoner when the former military junta held a rigged referendum to force through its new constitution in 2008, just days after Cyclone Nargis devastated the country, killing at least 138,000. 

Most were too terrified to voice their opposition to the new charter, which has helped the military keep its stranglehold on power despite political reforms. 

But Win Mya Mya, who as a democracy activist and Muslim woman had faced years of persecution, refused to be cowed when she stepped into the polling booth in Mandalay’s Oboe prison.

“I drew a cross on the ballot paper” instead of a tick, she told Myanmar Now. “I even showed it to the prison warden and asked him if I’d crossed it right.”

 

 

In 2012, Win Mya Mya was freed in an amnesty as Myanmar’s democratic forces were allowed to operate in the open again and the National League for Democracy (NLD) began vying for power. 

But as the historic 2015 election approached, the activist was denied the chance to become a lawmaker for the party for which she had sacrificed her freedom, because she is Muslim. 

 

 

The NLD, apparently cowed by Buddhist nationalist monks making racist anti-Islamic smears against the party, failed to field a single Muslim candidate. 

As the pressure mounted, Win Mya Mya decided to withdraw her application to avoid causing trouble for the party, she said. 

This year though, she and another Muslim cnadidate are standing. Now aged 71, she will compete to represent Sintgaing region in the lower house. 

Win Mya Mya was born and raised in Mandalay. She took part in the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, and became an NLD activist when the party was founded the following year. 

The 2008 constitution was approved when Win Mya Mya was detained while awaiting a sentence for her participation in the 2007 saffron revolution. She was sentenced to 12 years in prison, and then sent from Mandalay to Putao prison in Kachin state. 

In 2003, she was accompanying Aung San Suu Kyi during a campaigning trip when their convoy was attacked by thugs in Depayin. At least 70 NLD supporters are believed to have been killed in the massacre. 

Win Mya Mya was beaten and left with two broken arms, and injuries to both hands. She still has the scars today. 

“They were standing with their hands behind their back and legs apart,” she recalled during an interview at her Mandalay home, where bags of textiles from the family’s clothing store are scattered around and a calendar featuring Aung San Suu Kyi hangs on the wall. 

“When our car approached them, they put their hands out and we saw they were holding batons. They shouted ‘Beat! Beat!’”

She was detained at Shwebo prison for more than seven months after the attack. 

A political family 

Win Mya Mya’s siblings also joined the fight for democracy.

“My brother once said if we got involved in politics, we would probably get to the point where the door to our house would stay locked,” she said. “We all said it was okay, and we actually got to that point.” 

In 2007 the junta shut down the family-owned shop in Mandalay’s Zegyo market as punishment for Win Mya Mya and her siblings’ political activities. 

“We reclaimed our business systematically under the current government. The people involved in the seizure were summoned and interrogated. We got back our shop because it was rightfully ours,” she said. 

“We had to start from the beginning. We are a bunch of 70-something-year-olds still struggling,” she added. 

After 1989, Win Mya Mya and her family members were frequently arrested and interrogated by the military government. Authorities would often detain Win Mya Mya on significant dates, such as Aung San Suu Kyi’s birthday, the anniversary of the 1990 election, or Martyrs’ day.

In 2000 she was imprisoned along with four of her family members. The junta released them the following year. 

“They kept their faith no matter how badly the authorities persecuted them,” said Thein Tan, chairman of the Peace Group, an interfaith organisation based in Mandalay. “The whole family endured the persecution with a smile.”

Ywat Nu Aung, a lawyer from Mandalay, said: “She is very Burmese in her mannerism, speech and attire. Her adoration for Burmese culture is shown in her choice of words and even I have to imitate her.”

For Win Mya Mya, there was never any question of quitting the difficult path she chose in the late 1980s.

“It is not good to back down once you get involved in politics. It is my grace and my dignity on the line,” she said. 

After being unable to stand as an MP in 2015, she served as vice-chair of the NLD for Mandalay region. 

“I am a Muslim and Burmese. I work for Myanmar, Myanmar’s people and Myanmar politics,” she said. “I don’t think about religion. The party officials and the public treat me with kindness. They don’t care which religion I believe in… my religion is not a part of my politics.”

If she wins her seat this year, she can expect to face overwhelming hostility from Buddhist nationalists. But she says she is ready for it.  

“Buddhists believe in karma. Muslims believe in the judgement of god,” she said. “I would not have succeeded if I was too afraid to act… I must do what I have to do.” 

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

210302_myanmar_kay_zon_new_journalist_myanmar_now_arrested_yangon_on_27_feb_21_000_93w2j2.jpg

Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

155930399_2092664367568616_7441378699305917845_n.jpeg

A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading

Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading

Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading