In Rakhine, those left behind struggle as husbands and sons go missing

The abduction of civilians in Rakhine state has added to the hardships of family members displaced by war

The wives of the abductees from Tin Ma Gyi village hold a press conference in Sittwe in April (Photo: Myat Tun)

Khin Mu San, a 43-year-old resident of Mee Wa, a village in northern Rakhine state’s Kyauktaw township, can barely make ends meet. Every day, she walks to Pe Chaung, another village 13km to the south, to earn a little money delivering goods. 

Her life wasn’t always so hard. Until two years ago, she and her family made a decent living growing paddy on their three acres of land. But then the war in northern Rakhine state began, and Kyauktaw became one of the worst-hit conflict areas. Since then, fighting between the Tatmadaw and the Arakan Army (AA) has deprived her of her former source of income.

But in Khin Mu San’s case, there is another factor adding to her hardship: On November 9, 2019, at the height of the conflict, her husband was arrested on suspicion of belonging to the AA. He hasn’t been heard from since.

Without her husband, her troubles have mounted. When she isn’t climbing over mountains on her way to work, she is dealing with problems at home. Her three sons—the oldest 19 years old and the youngest just three—need their father.

 

 

“Don’t worry about anything, they said. The Tatmadaw told us they would be released,” said Ma Aye Hla, wife of abductee Than Soe 

Kyaw Tin, her 42-year old husband, was abducted by the Tatmadaw while he was fishing in a brook near Mee Wa, a village of more than 1,300 inhabitants located about 16km north of the town of Kyauktaw on the upper part of the Kaladan River. Most of the village’s 325 households depend on farming for their livelihood, but few dare tend to their fields now because of the heavy military presence.

 

 

Armed conflict in the area has claimed many civilian casualties and left many more homeless. As the conflict drags on and hopes dim for those who have gone missing, Khin Mu San and those like her face a bleak future.

According to Oo Htun Win, Kyauktaw’s representative in the Pyithu Hluttaw, 22 men have disappeared from the township in the past year after being taken into Tatmadaw custody. 

Kyaw Tin is the only abductee from Mee Wa, but other villages in the area have also lost residents. Taung Pauk, Pike Thae, and Mala have all reported a missing villager, while eight have disappeared from Tin Ma Thit and another 10 have gone missing from Tin Ma Gyi.  

‘I can’t stand this suffering anymore’

Ma Aye Hla, a mother of three from Tin Ma Thit, has had to care for her family on her own ever since her husband’s arrest on March 13, along with seven others. 

Ma Aye Hla watched as a military column entered the village and took her husband, 34-year-old Than Soe, and his father and brother into custody.

“Don’t worry about anything, they said. The Tatmadaw told us they would be released. I don’t know where they were taken. We were scared away by soldiers who said not to ask what happened to them,” she told Myanmar Now.

She said she went to the state capital Sittwe twice to tell the media about the arrests and to call for the release of the abducted villagers, but to no avail.

“The children are asking about their father. I can’t stand this suffering anymore,” she said. 

“We are staying in an IDP camp, where we have nothing to eat except what we are given. No donors are proving support right now. We fled empty-handed. We didn’t bring any blankets. And my husband is not here. We have a lot of trouble.”

“I want to know where they’re keeping him. I want him to be released. It has been a long time,” said Wun May Oo, wife of abductee Maung Kyi Lin

In Tin Ma Gyi, about 8km from Tin Ma Thit, the situation is even worse. On March 13, the same day Ma Aye Hla’s husband was taken away, Tin Ma Gyi was shelled and at least 10 houses were destroyed by fire. 

Three days later, soldiers arrived in the village and detained about 50 people. Most were later released, but 10 are still missing.

Maung Kyi Lin, 35, was among those who were not released. His wife, Wun May Oo, is now sheltering at an IDP camp in Kyauktaw with her two children. She said that her husband delivered firewood to brickyards and charcoal kilns for a living. 

“We waited two or three days for them to be released,” she said of the remaining prisoners, including her husband.

“Innocent villagers were being arrested, so many ran away in fear. We finally decided to flee, too, because there was no one left in the village. When we arrived in Kyauktaw, we heard that the village was on fire,” she said.

Almost nine months have passed since they took her husband away, she said, but she still has no idea where he is. 

“I want to know where they’re keeping him. I want him to be released. It has been a long time,” she said.

Missing persons

Pyithu Hluttaw MP Oo Htun Win and Amyotha Hluttaw MP Myint Naing said they sent letters reporting the abductions to the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC), the president and the state counselor in April, but have yet to receive a reply. 

“Collaborating with those who love human rights, those who value democracy, and civil rights organizations, we presented the situation at the grassroots level. We also sent documents and some information. But so far, we have not heard anything in particular about these people,” said MP Oo Htun Win. 

Last Thursday, however, MNHRC chair Hla Myint told Myanmar Now that he never received any such letter. He said the only formal complaint he was aware of from Kyauktaw was one made in October concerning two people who were killed and four who were injured.  

“I have only one complaint from Kyauktaw. It was not about 22 residents. It was about four injured and two dead. We sent it to the Department of Defense because it was related to armed conflict,” he said.

At a press conference in Naypyitaw on November 27, military spokesperson Brig-Gen Zaw Min Tun said there was no need to debate whether there were any such disappearances.

“I think he was killed,” said the father of abductee Kyaw Tin

“Most of the people we have arrested are under investigation. There may be arrests and detentions. However, we are acting in accordance with the law,” he said.

“It would be more convenient if we could inform and cooperate with the respective authorities in a legal way once a ceasefire is in place,” he added.

Noting that there has been a cessation of fighting in Rakhine state since the November 8 election, he urged those concerned about the disappearances to report them to the police.

“If there is a suspected disappearance, the police will inform the army if suspicion falls on the Tatmadaw,” he said. “They will also investigate it officially. There is no need to go beyond the law to deal with this matter.”

Kyauktaw is not the only township where the military has detained civilians. According to a list compiled by the Sittwe-based Thazin Legal Aid Group in November, there are more than 90 civilians being held in Rakhine state on suspicion of associating with the AA. There have also been a number of prosecutions by the Tatmadaw.  

Victims of both sides

Meanwhile, the AA has also faced criticism for holding civilians against their will. In one recent high-profile case, on October 24, it abducted three candidates from the ruling National League for Democracy. None of the three have been released.

In neighboring Chin state’s Paletwa township, where the group is also active, more than 200 civilians have been detained by the AA since 2015. At least 21 are still being held. 

In Mee Wa, the father of Tatmadaw abductee Kyaw Tin said he had given up hope that his son was still alive. “I think he was killed,” he told the local village administrator, Maung Kyaw Nyunt, who spoke to Myanmar Now.

But his wife, Khin Mu San, was not yet ready to abandon the effort to learn what had happened to her husband, who she insisted had no involvement with the AA. 

Dead or alive, she said, she wanted to know what the Tatmadaw did to him.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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