‘I’ll never ask my son to work again’ - children risk severe injury in Myanmar’s factories as families drown in debt

Getting justice when factory owners put children in harm’s way is extremely difficult, says lawyer 

12-year old Mg Chit Min Htwe who still wants to work to support his family even though he lost 3 fingers (Photo by Kay Zun Nwe/ Myanmar Now)

Twelve-year-old Chit Min Htwe couldn’t stand to see his parents struggling in debt, so he left school to work in a factory in Yangon’s Shwe Lin Ban industrial zone.

A month after starting his new job late last year he got his hand trapped in a machine, mangling it so badly that he lost three fingers.

During a recent visit by Myanmar Now to the simple hut where he lives in a squatter community with his parents and younger brother, Chit Min Htwe was lying under a mosquito net.

He used to do his homework around this time, now he stares despondently at his bandaged hand. He spent two months in hospital after surgeons managed to reattach his thumb and forefinger.

 

 

“I thought things would be alright if all three of us worked,” he told Myanmar Now. But the accident put an end to his hopes of helping his parents out of debt.

“I didn’t even save any money, everything I earned had to go the debt collector,” he said.  

 

 

An estimated 600,000 child laborers in Myanmar are involved in hazardous work, according to figures from the International Labour Organization (ILO).

For children like Chit Min Htwe the risks of ending up in a dangerous job are even higher; families in debt are more likely to have a child in work than those who are debt-free, a 2015 ILO survey found.

Thirteen-hour days

Chit Min Htwe’s parents make a meagre living selling traditional snacks around the industrial zone off the back of a bicycle.

Before the boy started his job, debt collectors visited their home frequently, often shortly after he arrived home from school while his parents were out working.

Then one day he got a visit from a man from the locally-owned Four Ocean factory, which supplies heavy duty bags used to pack things like rice and sand.

The man offered him a job working 13-hour days from 6.30am each morning, and said he could earn up to 200,000 kyats a month.

His parents didn’t like the idea of him working at first, he said, but he insisted.  

His main duty was to pack glue pellets, which are used to seal industrial packaging, into bags. Sometimes he had to feed old bags into a plastic melting machine.

It was this contraption that would take his fingers.

“I will never ask my son to work again,” said Win Oo, his father.

When he approached the factory after the accident, a representative told him the family could “do whatever we liked and complain to whoever we liked,” said Win Oo.

“It hurts me so badly that they responded like this when my son was injured so badly,” he said.

‘The interest has increased’

The factory did give the family just over 900,000 kyats, just under $600, for expenses related to his stay in hospital. But that didn’t cover everything, which came to around 1.7 million kyats, said Daw Nilar, the boy’s mother.

The cost drove the couple even further into debt, she added. “We had to borrow money with interest from people around the neighborhood… now the interest has increased,” she said.

The factory’s owner, Yan Kyu Peng, was fined 2.5 million kyat last month.

That money will go to the government; the family are still seeking compensation.

And the owner avoided a potential three month prison sentence under a 1951 factories law.

In fact there is no record of any factory owner receiving a jail term under the law, said U Htay a labour rights lawyer.

Senior staff members at Four Ocean declined Myanmar’s Now request for an interview during a recent visit to the factory.

Dust, fumes, chemicals

An official from the Ministry of Labour, who requested anonymity, said child labour was almost ubiquitous in Myanmar’s industrial sector.

“Since this is happening in almost every factory, we need to watch out all the time,” he told Myanmar Now.

Myanmar has 1.1 million child labourers, more than half of whom are exposed to dangers from dust, harmful fumes, machinery, extreme temperatures and chemicals. 

Under the 1951 labour law, child laborers from 14-16 years old are allowed to work under certain conditions, while those under 14 are forbidden to join the workforce.

The government does not record data on the number of children injured by accidents at work.

But Prof. Dr Khin Maung Myint, of the orthopaedics department at Yangon General Hospital says child labourers are frequently admitted there.

Around three quarter of the accidents in industrial zones involve injuries to the hands, the doctor said.

‘Who will employ me now?’

The number of children under 14 working at factories or tea shops has drastically increased in recent years, said U Htay, who served for three years at the Labour Arbitration Council.

Not only do most factories routinely flout the law, he added, but opening a case against them is difficult because the police can only act on the advice of the Ministry of Labour.

“It is very difficult for the workers to open a case at the police station. They just don’t accept the complaint,” he said.

While conditions and pay are bad, most parents are grateful for the opportunity for their children to work, said U Win Maung, a regional member of parliament for Hlaing Tharyar.

“If those children can’t get jobs at a factory, then they become street kids who collect garbage,” he said.

Children are among 150,000 people who work in Hlaing Thayar’s industrial zone, according to a recent survey, said Win Maung.

Chit Min Htwe may have suffered a horrific experience, but he still wants to support his parents.  

“My father told me not to work again, he asked me to enter the monkhood,” he said. “I want to work but who is going to employ me now?” he added, glancing at his white bandages.

He has no ambitions to become a captain or an engineer, like other children, he said, but he wants to get his family out of this squatting community.

“When I grow up, I want to get my mother and father out of this ward. There are plots in Shwe Pyi Thar,” he said, referring to another industrial area of Yangon.

“I will buy a plot for my mother to live there.”

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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