‘If we stay, we die’ - villagers risk perilous, days-long journeys to Yangon through Rakhine conflict zone 

A mother and son hiked for hours through the hills as artillery shells exploded around them, and that was just day one

Published on Jul 16, 2020
Children who fled recent fighting between the Arakan Army and Myanmar military in Paletwa take refuge at temporary shelters in Hmawbi. (Photo: Sai Zaw/ Myanmar Now)
Children who fled recent fighting between the Arakan Army and Myanmar military in Paletwa take refuge at temporary shelters in Hmawbi. (Photo: Sai Zaw/ Myanmar Now)

A roar filled the air as a military plane swept through the clear sky above Pyi Tin’s bamboo hut in Hmawbi, north of Yangon, on a recent morning.

The 39-year-old mother of four flinched in terror, then turned her gaze to the sky and tried to calm herself with the knowledge she was safe now.   

“I’m traumatised by this noise,” she told Myanmar Now as she sat on the porch of her hut, one of a number that house dozens who fled recent fighting in Chin state.  

The plane was on a training exercise from a nearby airbase, but before she fled her native village of Mi Let Wa in Paletwa township in March, the sound of aircraft meant bombs might be about to land.  

 

 

Fighting between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army has intensified in recent months in Paletwa, which borders Rakhine state, taking a devastating toll on civilians. 

The military has launched “indiscriminate” airstrikes in the Meik Sar Wa village cluster, where Mi Let Wa sits, Amnesty International said last week. The strikes have killed at least 19 civilians, including a 7-year-old boy, and should be investigated as war crimes, the group said. 

 

 

Around 200,000 have now been forced from their homes by the fighting in Rakhine and Chin states. Many live in camps and other shelters in the region. Some, like Pyi Tin, have risked the arduous journey to Yangon along riverways, mountainous trails and roads that run directly through conflict areas.  

“We were going to die one way or another if we’d stayed. We were going to die if we got shot trying to run away,” she said. “We decided to run.” 

A quiet life

Fighting between the military and AA has flared on and off since 2015, but it intensified early last year when the AA attacked a security outpost in Buthidaung. 

Just over half of Paletwa’s population of 110,000 has since been displaced, according to the Chin state government.

Before the war came to their village, which sits between the eastern bank of the Kaladan river and a range of low, jagged hills, Pyi Tin’s family enjoyed a comfortable and quiet life.

The village is mostly home to ethnically Khumi Chin people, and borders another village called Upper Mi Let Wa that is home mostly to Rakhines.

Pyi Tin and her husband, a pastor, owned three acres of land, where they grew cucumbers, rice, and sesame. Their 16-year-old son, the second oldest of four, helped to herd and feed the family’s animals - seven goats, three pigs and eight cows. 

They managed to save money and send all the children to school. The oldest is studying in India.

In January, the younger children stopped playing in the street as the sounds of gunfire, helicopters and planes became a regular feature of their lives. 

The family was trapped in the crossfire; the AA had encamped in the hills to the east of the village, while the Tatmadaw had a base to the west. 

In February, five people were injured by shells landing in the village. Pyi Tin saw one of her neighbours, a 60-year-old woman, with a severe leg injury from one of the explosions. 

The fighting also cut off transport routes, and the price of staple foods and other basics began to rise. In early March, Pyi Tin decided the family must take the risky journey to Yangon. 

But her husband didn’t want to go. If he was going to die, he told her, he wanted to be on his native land. 

Eventually, the family decided to split up. Pyi Tin would make the journey with their older son. The younger children, who are 11 and 13, would stay behind because the parents worried the journey was too dangerous for them. 

They were headed for the Khumi Evangelical Church in Shwe Pyi Thar, Yangon, which they had a connection to through the husband’s work as a pastor. The church was helping to shelter Khumi people fleeing the violence. 

The 600-mile road to safety 

Pyi Tin and her son left Paletwa by boat early on the morning of March 11. They were heading first to Kyauktaw in Rakhine state. From there, the roads were open and they could take a bus to Yangon.

The journey south along the Kaladan river to Kyauktaw was supposed to take three hours, but on the way they heard gunfire close by and military aircraft whirred overhead. 

To avoid becoming a target on the open water, they stopped at a village called Tumawa. From there, the road leading south was still blocked, and the local villagers said it wasn’t safe to hike to Kyauktaw. 

But they couldn’t turn back, so they set off on foot for a punishing five-hour trek. It was easiest to stick to the low lying ground at the bank of the river, but that would have left them exposed, so the mother and son hiked into the forest-covered hills. 

At points the tree cover fell away, and they traversed the steep trails under the hot sun, hoping they wouldn’t be seen by soldiers. 

Aircraft kept roaring above, and artillery explosions pummeled the hills around them.

“We don’t know what they were aiming at, but it was so loud. We thought we were going to die, but we just kept walking as quickly as we could,” Pyi Tin said.

They finally reached Kyauktaw at around five in the evening and spent the night at a modest guesthouse because there were no more buses running. 

The rest of the journey should have been far simpler, but they weren’t out of danger yet. Just after their bus crossed a bridge leading into Minbya the next morning, the vehicle behind them was peppered with stray bullets, injuring several of the passengers. 

Later, they were interrogated by AA soldiers who stopped their vehicle, but they were allowed to proceed. They spent another night in a guesthouse in the town of Ann before enjoying an uneventful bus ride to the church in Yangon the next day. 

Pyi Tin is now one of just 150 displaced people from Paletwa who has made it to Yangon, according to Soe Htet, the regional development minister of the Chin state government. 

Others who came behind her had similarly difficult journeys. Yine Pa, who is also from Mi Let Wa, made the journey with his family of six and another family crammed together in one vehicle. They found a different route up through Chin state, avoiding Rakhine, but they only had enough cash for one meal for each of the two days they travelled, he said. 

More arrived alongside Yine Pa’s family, and the church quickly became too full, so they moved to the huts in Hmawbi with the help of a Chin aid group.

Separated

Two days after Pyi Tin and her son left their village, while they were still on the road, her husband and two other children moved across the river to take shelter in a school in Paletwa town. The husband now wants to come and join Pyi Tin but is trapped by the fighting. 

In late May, Pyi Tin learned that 60 homes in her village, including hers, had burned to the ground. The AA and the Tatmadaw have blamed each other for the fires. Amnesty International said that the burning of several villages in the region was consistent with Tatmadaw tactics. 

On top of that, the Chin state government reports that over 100 homes from five villages around Paletwa have been destroyed by shelling.

Before the fire, a friend of the family agreed to take care of their animals. But Pyi Tin has little hope she’ll be able to return home any time soon. 

Yine Pa also lost his home in the May fire.

“We don’t know when this war is going to be over. Even when it is, it’ll be years before we can go back to living peacefully,” he said. 

(Translation by Htet Aung Lwyn. Editing by Joshua Carroll)

Aung Nyein Chan is Senior Reporter with Myanmar Now

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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