‘If we stay, we die’ - villagers risk perilous, days-long journeys to Yangon through Rakhine conflict zone 

A mother and son hiked for hours through the hills as artillery shells exploded around them, and that was just day one

Children who fled recent fighting between the Arakan Army and Myanmar military in Paletwa take refuge at temporary shelters in Hmawbi. (Photo: Sai Zaw/ Myanmar Now)

A roar filled the air as a military plane swept through the clear sky above Pyi Tin’s bamboo hut in Hmawbi, north of Yangon, on a recent morning.

The 39-year-old mother of four flinched in terror, then turned her gaze to the sky and tried to calm herself with the knowledge she was safe now.   

“I’m traumatised by this noise,” she told Myanmar Now as she sat on the porch of her hut, one of a number that house dozens who fled recent fighting in Chin state.  

The plane was on a training exercise from a nearby airbase, but before she fled her native village of Mi Let Wa in Paletwa township in March, the sound of aircraft meant bombs might be about to land.  

 

 

Fighting between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army has intensified in recent months in Paletwa, which borders Rakhine state, taking a devastating toll on civilians. 

The military has launched “indiscriminate” airstrikes in the Meik Sar Wa village cluster, where Mi Let Wa sits, Amnesty International said last week. The strikes have killed at least 19 civilians, including a 7-year-old boy, and should be investigated as war crimes, the group said. 

 

 

Around 200,000 have now been forced from their homes by the fighting in Rakhine and Chin states. Many live in camps and other shelters in the region. Some, like Pyi Tin, have risked the arduous journey to Yangon along riverways, mountainous trails and roads that run directly through conflict areas.  

“We were going to die one way or another if we’d stayed. We were going to die if we got shot trying to run away,” she said. “We decided to run.” 

A quiet life

Fighting between the military and AA has flared on and off since 2015, but it intensified early last year when the AA attacked a security outpost in Buthidaung. 

Just over half of Paletwa’s population of 110,000 has since been displaced, according to the Chin state government.

Before the war came to their village, which sits between the eastern bank of the Kaladan river and a range of low, jagged hills, Pyi Tin’s family enjoyed a comfortable and quiet life.

The village is mostly home to ethnically Khumi Chin people, and borders another village called Upper Mi Let Wa that is home mostly to Rakhines.

Pyi Tin and her husband, a pastor, owned three acres of land, where they grew cucumbers, rice, and sesame. Their 16-year-old son, the second oldest of four, helped to herd and feed the family’s animals - seven goats, three pigs and eight cows. 

They managed to save money and send all the children to school. The oldest is studying in India.

In January, the younger children stopped playing in the street as the sounds of gunfire, helicopters and planes became a regular feature of their lives. 

The family was trapped in the crossfire; the AA had encamped in the hills to the east of the village, while the Tatmadaw had a base to the west. 

In February, five people were injured by shells landing in the village. Pyi Tin saw one of her neighbours, a 60-year-old woman, with a severe leg injury from one of the explosions. 

The fighting also cut off transport routes, and the price of staple foods and other basics began to rise. In early March, Pyi Tin decided the family must take the risky journey to Yangon. 

But her husband didn’t want to go. If he was going to die, he told her, he wanted to be on his native land. 

Eventually, the family decided to split up. Pyi Tin would make the journey with their older son. The younger children, who are 11 and 13, would stay behind because the parents worried the journey was too dangerous for them. 

They were headed for the Khumi Evangelical Church in Shwe Pyi Thar, Yangon, which they had a connection to through the husband’s work as a pastor. The church was helping to shelter Khumi people fleeing the violence. 

The 600-mile road to safety 

Pyi Tin and her son left Paletwa by boat early on the morning of March 11. They were heading first to Kyauktaw in Rakhine state. From there, the roads were open and they could take a bus to Yangon.

The journey south along the Kaladan river to Kyauktaw was supposed to take three hours, but on the way they heard gunfire close by and military aircraft whirred overhead. 

To avoid becoming a target on the open water, they stopped at a village called Tumawa. From there, the road leading south was still blocked, and the local villagers said it wasn’t safe to hike to Kyauktaw. 

But they couldn’t turn back, so they set off on foot for a punishing five-hour trek. It was easiest to stick to the low lying ground at the bank of the river, but that would have left them exposed, so the mother and son hiked into the forest-covered hills. 

At points the tree cover fell away, and they traversed the steep trails under the hot sun, hoping they wouldn’t be seen by soldiers. 

Aircraft kept roaring above, and artillery explosions pummeled the hills around them.

“We don’t know what they were aiming at, but it was so loud. We thought we were going to die, but we just kept walking as quickly as we could,” Pyi Tin said.

They finally reached Kyauktaw at around five in the evening and spent the night at a modest guesthouse because there were no more buses running. 

The rest of the journey should have been far simpler, but they weren’t out of danger yet. Just after their bus crossed a bridge leading into Minbya the next morning, the vehicle behind them was peppered with stray bullets, injuring several of the passengers. 

Later, they were interrogated by AA soldiers who stopped their vehicle, but they were allowed to proceed. They spent another night in a guesthouse in the town of Ann before enjoying an uneventful bus ride to the church in Yangon the next day. 

Pyi Tin is now one of just 150 displaced people from Paletwa who has made it to Yangon, according to Soe Htet, the regional development minister of the Chin state government. 

Others who came behind her had similarly difficult journeys. Yine Pa, who is also from Mi Let Wa, made the journey with his family of six and another family crammed together in one vehicle. They found a different route up through Chin state, avoiding Rakhine, but they only had enough cash for one meal for each of the two days they travelled, he said. 

More arrived alongside Yine Pa’s family, and the church quickly became too full, so they moved to the huts in Hmawbi with the help of a Chin aid group.

Separated

Two days after Pyi Tin and her son left their village, while they were still on the road, her husband and two other children moved across the river to take shelter in a school in Paletwa town. The husband now wants to come and join Pyi Tin but is trapped by the fighting. 

In late May, Pyi Tin learned that 60 homes in her village, including hers, had burned to the ground. The AA and the Tatmadaw have blamed each other for the fires. Amnesty International said that the burning of several villages in the region was consistent with Tatmadaw tactics. 

On top of that, the Chin state government reports that over 100 homes from five villages around Paletwa have been destroyed by shelling.

Before the fire, a friend of the family agreed to take care of their animals. But Pyi Tin has little hope she’ll be able to return home any time soon. 

Yine Pa also lost his home in the May fire.

“We don’t know when this war is going to be over. Even when it is, it’ll be years before we can go back to living peacefully,” he said. 

(Translation by Htet Aung Lwyn. Editing by Joshua Carroll)

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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