Hpa-an villagers blister after bathing with blackened groundwater

Residents accuse local cement factory of coal pollution, but expert says more testing is needed

Plastic water tanks near a water well in Natkone village (Photo- Kay Zun Nwe/ Myanmar Now)

The 500 residents of Karen state’s Yedwingone village now depend on the charity of others for clean drinking water. 

Until recently, each of the 120 households in this village near the state capital Hpa-an got all the water it needed from its own well. 

But in October villagers began noticing the water in their wells had turned black.

“Our skin would itch when we used it to bathe,” said 67-year-old Thaung Nyein. “We won’t drink it.”  

 

 

One resident told Myanmar Now his family broke out in blisters after using the water to bathe.

Monks and local civil service organizations arrived almost immediately with donated drinking water, but villagers say the giving has since tapered off.

 

 

“I only have drinking water if donors show up. I have to mix distilled and boiled well water to bathe the children, and I don’t have money to go to the clinic if they get sick from it,” said Thaung Nyein. 

In mid-January Myanmar Now visited Yedwingone, Natkone, Ngapyawtaw, Kawpatine and Pankone villages in Hpa-an township, where locals said the same thing has happened in 22 nearby villages. 

Officials from the state and from a nearby factory that locals accuse of polluting the groundwater insist the water is potable and safe, but cannot explain the cause of the change in colour. Meanwhile, locals refuse to drink it.

Nearly four months on, they're still left without answers.

Unknown Cause

The Myainggalay cement factory decided to switch from natural gas to cheaper coal fuel in 2016 but did not actually begin its first test run with coal until December 2019. 

In late May and early June 2019 locals began seeing large, open-air piles of pulverized coal dust being stored in and around the factory; six months later, they said, wells in 27 villages within two miles turned black. 

Myanmar Now saw an open-air, 20-foot-high pile of pulverized coal on factory property and another in a warehouse owned by the factory. Extensive damage to the floor and roof of the warehouse left the coal open to the elements.

Residents believe it is this coal that is contaminating their water, though several officials disagree. 

Myanmar Now could not reach factory spokespersons for comment, but Karen state environmental minister Saw Pyi Thar told Myanmar Now several factors could be causing the change in colour.

“The factory doesn't store the pulverized coal properly, and it is possible that coal particles are seeping into the ground with rainwater,” he said, but added: “Water levels are low in summer, and groundwater may be blackened by compost and sediment. It could also be blackened by manganese in the limestone mountain the factory excavated.” 

The factory, owned by the military conglomerate Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), sits one mile from Yedwingone village. It has produced cement - about 4,000 tonnes a day - under the brand name ‘Rhino’ since 2002.

Deputy director for the state environmental ministry Kyaw San said he has urged factory officials many times to store their coal more safely, but to no avail. 

Myanmar Now saw a nearby pond that appeared contaminated with black sediment, but Kyaw San said tests of water samples in October from ponds 50 feet from the coal piles showed no coal contamination or change in colour. 

Those results have done little to assuage sceptical residents. 

“The water turned black six months after they began storing coal in the open. I can’t imagine how much worse the problem would’ve been if they had actually fully switched over to coal,” Ngapawtaw villager Saw Sein Myint Aung said. 

The original wells were dug between 20 and 30 feet deep. In response to local concerns, the state has said it will dig eight new wells in several villages at depths of 100 feet, believing deeper wells will surface clean water. 

Four of those wells have already been dug, one each in Ngapyawtaw, Natkone, Yedwingone and Kawpatine villages, according to records from Hpa-an township’s rural development department.

Yedwingone villagers told Myanmar Now the water from the new wells is not discoloured, but they still refuse to drink from them without finding out what caused the colour change in the first place. 

More testing needed

In December, water samples taken in Yedwingone, Ngapyawtaw and Kawpatine villages were sent to Saitama University’s Environmental Science and Technology Department in Japan, where Dr Takeshi Fujino serves as an environmental expert for joint projects between the Karen state government and the non-profit Nippon Foundation.

In a January 5 email, Fujino said the samples were “very pure and suitable for drinking.” 

Kyaw San said Fujino’s comments were made public, and Myanmar Now saw the email printed and pinned to notice boards in the villages, but 100 heads of household told Myanmar Now they’re not convinced. 

They have good reason. Fujino told Myanmar Now that, although the water he tested was safe to drink, none of it was the discoloured water villagers are complaining of.

He would like to see a “more detailed analysis” to determine the cause of the colour change, he said.

“They don’t tell us why the water turned black, so we still won’t drink it,” said Pan Kyaw, 60, of Natkone village.

Karen National Democratic Party chairman Mann Aung Pyae Soe criticised the state’s handling of the situation and its inability to explain the cause. 

“The government must show concrete proof to gain the public’s trust,” he said. 

Dwindling supplies

While donors were initially plentiful, few have sustained their support, locals say. 

There is not enough water for Ngapyawtaw resident Saw Sein Myint Aung’s family of seven. They must now buy about three 1,000-litre tanks a month from Hpa-an township.

At about 7,000 kyat per tank, many families cannot afford this. They must mix donated water with boiled well water to meet their needs, they told Myanmar Now. 

Natkone villager Saw Ati said his five-year-old and seven-year-old developed itchy rashes after bathing with well water about a month before Myanmar Now visited.

Another told Myanmar Now that bathing with the blackened well water caused their relatives’ skin to blister. 

Kyaw San called this impossible, laying the blame elsewhere.

“They have skin problems because they don’t bathe for many days at a time,” he said.

Who’s to blame?

The MEC in an October 27 statement denied that the change in water colour had anything to do with coal, pointing to test results from labs at the state’s environmental conservation department, the ministry of health and sports’ national health lab and the Development Management and Technology Company Limited—all of which showed no presence of coal particles. 

Those samples were taken from wells at the factory and in Barkat, Yedwingone and Natkone villages, according to the statement. 

In a somewhat cryptic statement, the MEC seemed to pin the blame on some unknown troublemaker. 

“The change in the colour of water is not caused by pollution but by the alleged action of a dishonest person, and actions have been taken to punish that person according to the law,” the statement said. 

Myanmar NGO Advancing Life and Regenerating Motherland (ALARM) also tested water from seven wells in Yedwingone and Mayingone villages in October and found the samples met WHO standards for safe drinking water, but that pH levels were lower than average.

Fujino said this is common in well water because of the chemical makeup of the soil and is perfectly safe. 

With adequate boiling and filtration, the water is potable, ALARM said in a statement. 

Long-standing concerns

In October 2016, cement factory officials, including the factory’s chief, met with 100 residents from 11 villages east of the factory, including Yekyaw, Thaekone, Taunghtate, Taungauk, Hlarkar and Zayatphyu. 

Attendee Sein Than from Yekyaw village told Myanmar Now the officials told residents the factory was switching to coal fuel. 

He said the officials avoided answering questions residents had raised over the potential environmental impacts of the change. 

In November 2018 residents of 20 villages released a statement opposing coal power and accusing the factory of a lack of transparency. 

They were concerned over coal powder they’d seen spilt onto roadways between the factory and a nearby pier a month prior, Sein Than said. 

The statement called for an environmental impact assessment (EIA) and a halt to transporting coal pending a public hearing. 

But their demands went unheard, and new piles of pulverized coal arrived at the factory in late May 2019, locals say.

During a February 10, 2017, parliamentary session, Saw Moe Myint, the MP representing the Myainggalay village group, asked the union environmental minister if the cement factory had submitted an EIA or a Social Impact Assessment regarding its switch to coal. 

Ohn Win, union minister of natural resources and environmental conservation, said it had not. 

The factory plans to continue using coal while an environmental management plan is being drafted, according to Saw Pyi Thar. 

The factory is required to apply for a license with the ministry of natural resources and environmental conservation and to the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC), according to Saw Moe Myint. 

MIC spokesperson Thant Sin Lwin told Myanmar Now the factory has not submitted an application to the commission.

It has not submitted paperwork with the environmental ministry either, according to ministry director Soe Naing. 

Saw Moe Myint said the factory has plans to improve its transportation of coal, to filter its wastewater and to trap and purify airborne ash, but suggested that either residents or the factory itself organize an independent environmental watchdog group in the meantime. 

He also suggested that the factory display its ash and CO2 emission on an LED screen installed at the factory’s entrance and that it allow regular outside inspections.

He said the factory plans to use 20,000 tonnes of coal a month, and that four months worth must be stored there at a time. 

Locals, meanwhile, have resorted to prayer.

On the morning of 17 January, 800 residents from the 27 affected villages held a prayer meeting in Natkone village, hoping to ease their worries by declaring them to their deity. 

“The water has never turned black before. This will be difficult. I have nowhere to run. I can only die,” Kawpatine villager Khin Sein, 61, cried. 

Editing by Danny Fenster

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

210302_myanmar_kay_zon_new_journalist_myanmar_now_arrested_yangon_on_27_feb_21_000_93w2j2.jpg

Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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