How the owners of M1 Group, Myanmar’s newest telecoms operator, reaped huge profits under brutal regimes

The man set to be Lebanon’s new prime minister, along with his brother, have made hundreds of millions of dollars for their companies working in Syria, Sudan, and Yemen

Published on Aug 5, 2021
Lebanese Prime Minister-designate Najib Mikati (C) walks out of the office of Lebanese President Michel Aoun after their meeting at the presidential palace in Baabda, east of Beirut, Lebanon, 26 July 2021. Mikati is to form a new government to help the country overcome the worst crisis since the civil war in 1975-1990. Aoun held parliamentary consultation on 26 July during which most parliamentarians backed Mikati for the Prime Minister position. EPA-EFE/WAEL HAMZEH
Lebanese Prime Minister-designate Najib Mikati (C) walks out of the office of Lebanese President Michel Aoun after their meeting at the presidential palace in Baabda, east of Beirut, Lebanon, 26 July 2021. Mikati is to form a new government to help the country overcome the worst crisis since the civil war in 1975-1990. Aoun held parliamentary consultation on 26 July during which most parliamentarians backed Mikati for the Prime Minister position. EPA-EFE/WAEL HAMZEH

M1 Group got a bargain price when it bought Telenor Myanmar’s operations last month. The Lebanese firm, owned by the brothers Najib and Taha Mikati, agreed to pay $105 million, half of it in installments over the next five years, for a nationwide network serving 18 million subscribers.

Telenor has said the assets it sold were worth $600 million. For the Norwegian company, which values its public image highly, selling at a loss made sense. After its February coup, Myanmar’s new junta was pressuring Telenor to violate the rights of its customers.

Most serious were demands to provide the data of its users and their call history to the military junta, and orders to deploy an intercept technology to allow authorities to spy on calls, messages, and web traffic. Telecoms executives were also banned from leaving the country without official authorisation.

So after winning its licence in 2013 and having extracted $360m in dividends from its Myanmar business, it sold out quickly and cheaply.

Where Telenor saw a reputational risk in Myanmar, the Mikati brothers, who have a long history of working under undemocratic regimes and in conflict-ridden areas, saw a big opportunity. They have done business in Yemen, Syria, Sudan and Lebanon, reaping enormous profits.

The brothers have specialised in making telecoms deals in places with patchy records when it comes to fairness and transparency in business, and where oligarchs dominate local markets with the blessing of dictators.

The telecoms sector is an ideal place to match authoritarian regimes’ ambitions to control their populations with ultra wealthy business owners’ desire to strike exclusive, noncompetitive deals.

M1 Group has said it will "never jeopardise its principles or reputation when it comes to human rights issues" and "will abide by the law" in Myanmar. It will only comply with "lawful interception requests" for users' information, it added.

Allegations of wrongdoing

In Lebanon, the Mikati brothers’ biggest deal was a partnership with France Telecom, with which they shared ownership of a company called Cellis. Cellis later took over the operations of the entire mobile telecoms sector in Lebanon, along with another company called Libancell.

The two companies benefited from these exclusive rights from 1994 until the contracts were cancelled by the Lebanese state in 2001.

In that time, many public contracts in Lebanon were overseen by the Syrian regime under what was known as the joint Syrian-Lebanese security system, which was branded by critics as a corrupt, sectarian benefits-sharing program.

Najib Mikati, who at 65 is the younger of the two brothers, entered the Lebanese government in 1998, taking charge of the Ministry of Public Works and Transportation. He remained in this position in four consecutive cabinets until 2004. His political presence expanded as his financial influence grew. He became prime minister twice in 2005 and 2011, through political settlements unlikely to have taken place without his closeness to the Syrian regime. Now, he is poised to officially become the prime minister for a third time, possibly this week.

The telecoms deals he was involved in during the late 1990s were characterised by a lack of transparency and claims that integrity standards were violated. As a result, the cabinet was called in front of MPs for a public questioning session by the Lebanese parliament.

One alleged violation was that Cellis and Libancell benefited from the proceeds of selling more than 800,000 telephone lines, while the contracts gave the two companies the right to sell only 250,000 telephone lines. The two companies were reportedly able to achieve additional gains of $600 million at the expense of the Lebanese state.

According to certain Lebanese MPs, the alleged violations also included anticompetitive practices. These allegedly included giving the two companies the exclusive rights to operate in the mobile telecoms sector for eight years, price fixing agreements, and arrangements made between the two companies to divide the consumer base between them according to certain quotas.

MPs also accused Najib Mikati of violating the Illicit Enrichment Law through a conflict of interest arising from his presence in the cabinet, while he allegedly simultaneously benefited from a public contract that gave his company exclusive rights to operate in a major sector.

Mikati did not respond to a request for comment on these allegations.

Syria fortune

Immediately after Syrian president Bashar Al-Assad came to power in 2000, he assigned two companies to exclusively operate in the mobile communications sector. They were Syriatel, owned by his cousin Rami Makhlouf, and Investcom, owned by the Mikati brothers.

Makhlouf was considered to be the representative of the financial interests of the Al-Assad family; his financial influence expanded rapidly after Assad came to power.

The license awarded to the Mikati Brothers and Makhlouf reportedly did not witness any serious competition, and their two companies were able to make huge profits in a very short time.

By 2005, Investcom's 1.47 million Syrian subscribers generated $400m in operating revenue. After all this rapid expansion in a closed market with exclusive operational rights, the Mikati family decided to sell Investcom, which was also active in Sudan, Yemen and Afghanistan. The family retained part of the ownership with a 10% in MTN, the company that bought Investcom.

In Yemen, Investcom and MTN were involved in a network of companies that were registered in tax havens. An investigation by Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism (ARIJ) suggested this was done to circumvent the sanctions imposed on the al-Houthi militia , and to share the profits of commercial operations with their group.

In Sudan, at the height of international pressures on Omar al-Bashir's regime following the Darfur massacres, Investcom entered the Sudanese market by obtaining a license to operate a second cellular communications network.

This deal allowed the regime there to legally obtain around €150 million from Investcom.

Currently, the Mikati brothers’ net worth exceeds $5.4 billion, equally divided between the two. Najib represents the political face of the family, heading a parliamentary block composed of four MPs with a substantial influence in Lebanese political life.

Najib is also part of the Former Prime Ministers’ club, an unofficial group that brokers sectarian representation during times of political change, as political power is shared between the country’s dominant religious groups.

The older brother Taha is devoted to the family’s business activities, with no substantial political ambitions.

Many are concerned that Mikati brothers will behave in Myanmar as it did in Syria, where MTN allowed the regime to use their networks to block access to specific websites and content.

Neither M1 Group nor Najib Mikati responded to detailed requests for comment.

 

 

The local People’s Defence Force has denied responsibility for the attack 

Published on Sep 21, 2021
Junta soldiers destroyed 10 houses during the raid on Kar Paung Kya in late August (CJ)

An unidentified group of armed men shot and killed an entire family of five, including a 12-year-old boy, following accusations that some of its members had helped junta soldiers during a raid on the village where they lived.

San Win, 50, was shot dead on Sunday evening in Kar Paung Kya, Taze Township, along with his wife, Daw Chit, and their three sons–Zin Min Tun, 18, Zin Min Thu, 16, and 12-year-old Aung Myo Thu. 

The leader of the Taze People’s Defence Force (PDF) told Myanmar Now his group was not responsible for the killings. “The attack was not carried out by us. We are just trying to fight the military dogs,” he said.

San Win and one of his sons helped soldiers who stormed the village in August, killing several residents and destroying homes and property, the PDF leader said. He did not specify which son. 

“The father and the son worked as guides when the junta’s army was clearing the area, but I don’t know why all five were killed,” he added.

The family lived about two miles west of the village on land containing a small gold mining block.

“When the soldiers came, they were the ones who provided support. It looked like their children were among those who destroyed houses in the village,” said a resident of Kar Paung Kya.

“They were very friendly to the informants of the village. Word had gotten around that they had bought weapons," said another resident.

Three others were killed in the village in May and August for allegedly informing the junta about dissidents. Residents fear that the army will raid the village again in retaliation for the latest killings. 

Many of Kar Paung Kya’s 3,000 residents fled during the August raid, in which three people went missing, four were shot dead, and 10 houses were destroyed. The village, which has about 800 houses, is a local stronghold of the movement to topple the junta. 

In June, three former local administrators in Taze were killed after being accused of acting as military informants. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The locomotive was carrying ammunition and food for the military, the Kyaukse PDF said 

Published on Sep 21, 2021
Damaged railway tracks seen following the attack on Sunday (Supplied)

People’s Defence Force (PDF) fighters said they bombed a military supply train as it passed through the Mandalay Region town of Kyaukse on Sunday morning, destroying the engine cab and a cargo compartment. 

The train was travelling from Mandalay to Naypyitaw and then Yangon and had no passengers on any of its eight compartments, a member of the Kyaukse PDF told Myanmar Now.  

“After making observations, we found that it was a logistics train for the military council,” he said. “We saw that it was also guarded by some plain clothed soldiers and had no passengers. We only commenced the attack after observing closely.”

The guerillas planted a mine on the train track and detonated it from a distance when the train passed, he said. 

He said he did not know how many people were killed or injured in the blast. The train was carrying ammunition, food and other supplies meant for soldiers in Yangon, he added. 

The military has been using trains to transport weapons, ammunition, and other supplies to areas where it is battling resistance fighters around the country, the Kyaukse PDF said in a statement on Sunday. Civilians should take great care when using trains, it added. 

After the bombing, about 10 military vehicles were seen heading towards Kyaukse from Mandalay, locals said. 

Trains ground to a halt in Myanmar in the wake of the February 1 coup as railway workers joined mass strikes aimed at crippling the new junta. But the military forced some to return to work with deadly crackdowns and threats of further violence.  

The focus of the anti-junta movement has now shifted to guerilla-style attacks on military targets, as well as people suspected of working with the coup regime.  

The junta has declared PDF fighters across the country terrorists. It has not commented on Sunday’s attack.

On Saturday a different guerilla group, the Kyaukse District Defence Force, said it destroyed two phone towers owned by Mytel, the telecoms company part-owned by the Myanmar military.  

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The move signifies the first formal indictment out of several charges the military has levied against the State Counsellor since the coup

Published on Sep 21, 2021
A woman holds a portrait of Aung San Suu Kyi during an anti-coup rally in Yangon on February 22 (Myanmar Now)

A military council court in Naypyitaw indicted detained State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi on Tuesday for incitement under Section 505b of the Penal Code, according to her legal defence team. 

Judge Maung Maung Lwin, who presides over the court in Naypyitaw’s Zabuthiri Township created by the junta specifically to process cases against the deposed leader, formally announced the charge against Suu Kyi, as well as against President Win Myint and Naypyitaw mayor Myo Aung. 

It was the first formal indictment out of several charges levied against the State Counsellor by the military since the February 1 coup.

A conviction for violating Section 505b carries a maximum penalty of two years’ imprisonment. 

The three leaders pleaded “not guilty” at Tuesday's court hearing, the head of their defence team Khin Maung Zaw told Myanmar Now. 

The junta’s charges were based on sentiments expressed in statements released by the central executive committee of Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) party on February 7 and 13 following the coup that ousted the elected NLD-led government. 

The NLD’s first statement urged the international community—including the UN, foreign governments, and diplomatic missions in Myanmar—not to recognise the military that overthrew their administration. 

One week later, as the newly installed military council was preparing to enact a controversial cybersecurity law, the NLD released another statement that declared all regulations and laws enacted by the junta to be illegal.

The defence team for the State Counsellor, President and mayor initially objected to a ruling in late June in which the judge accepted the NLD’s statements as evidence to be used against them. The lawyers argued that the defendants had not signed the documents in question as they were already in detention at the time of publication.

Other key NLD members such as detained chief ministers, have also been accused of inciting violence for issuing similar statements urging the public to resist the military. 

As per the defence’s request, on Tuesday the judge also recalled two witnesses from the prosecution: the plaintiff Soe Soe Shwe—administrator of Naypyitaw’s Ottara District—and police investigative officer Lt-Col Than Aye, Khin Maung Zaw added. 

“The defence team of the accused have the right to recall the prosecution witnesses and re-examine them,” lawyer Min Min Soe, also a member of the defence team, explained.  

Charges against Suu Kyi for allegedly violating Myanmar’s disaster management law through the disregard of Covid-19 protocols during last year’s election campaign were also heard and a witness for the prosecution testified, according to Khin Maung Zaw. 

The next court hearing for both cases has been scheduled for September 28.

During hearings on Monday, three other charges against Suu Kyi were also heard, including those regarding further accusations of Covid-19 public health violations, and the illegal import and possession of walkie-talkies. 

The next hearing for those cases is scheduled for October 4.

In a meeting with Suu Kyi on Monday, lawyer Khin Maung Zaw said that the State Counsellor dismissed online rumours that she opposed employing armed resistance against the coup regime, a strategy that has received popular support and has been endorsed by the shadow National Unity Government. 

“She said she never turns against the wishes of the people,” her defence team told the media.  

Suu Kyi will also begin weekly court hearings on October 1 for four corruption charges filed against her at the Mandalay High Court. 

Those charges are the latest in a series of 11 offences the ousted State Counsellor has been accused of by the junta since she was detained on February 1. Seventy-six-year-old Suu Kyi potentially faces decades in prison if the junta convicts her and hands down the maximum sentences on all charges. 

One charge of breaching the Official Secrets Act—in which Suu Kyi’s Australian economic advisor, Sean Turnell, and three of her Union cabinet members are also being sued—carries a 14-year prison sentence alone. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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