Helping or hurting: Touted as answer to poverty, microloans trap many in debt

Nearly 200 microlenders now offer low-interest loans to Myanmar’s poor, but many leave borrowers with crushing debt

Published on Jan 3, 2020
Lay Dewan sits with his neighbours.
Lay Dewan sits with his neighbours.

The arrival in 2017 of microfinancing in the Ayeyarwady region village of Wachaung inspired in Daw Julie big ambitions.

She knew her betel plantation could make more money if she could increase production, but she didn’t have the capital to invest in growth.

What seemed like a blessing in 2017 has proven a burden that now has her family’s land hanging in the balance.

Julie borrowed 800,000 kyats and her son borrowed 300,000 kyats from VisionFund, a global faith-based lender, in 2019. But after planting more betel, the farm was ravaged by pests.

The family became saddled with a monthly 129,000-kyat debt they can’t pay.

 

 

In an attempt to make good on those first loans, Daw Julie put her home and her family’s 4,800 square feet of land up as collateral on a 200,000-kyat loan from an unauthorized local lender.

The family is now more than a month delinquent on and that debt, leaving them facing the prospect of losing everything.

 

 

“We used to live comfortably with the money we earned from the plantation. Now we can’t even use the money we do make because we have to pay back the loan,” her husband, Lay Dewan, told Myanmar Now.

Daw Julie and Lay Dewan are not alone. More than five of their neighbours have fled the village to avoid defaulting on microloans.

Several have come to Yangon to find work, villagers told Myanmar Now.

Help or hindrance?

In 2011, the Thein Sein government passed the Myanmar Microfinance Law in an effort to reduce poverty. Microfinance companies quickly proliferated.

Several do not require collateral and have proved a saviour for borrowers previously without access to credit.

The practice is often touted as a means of reducing poverty, encouraging entrepreneurialism and small business development among impoverished communities.

For most of their existence in Myanmar, microloan interest rates were set at 3o percent annually, but in June 2019 the government reduced that rate to 28 percent (slightly over 2pc a month). However, unauthorized lenders often still charge up to 30 percent a month.

Myanmar Microfinance Association (MMFA) deputy chairman Myo Nyunt, who is also an assistant manager for Myanmar-based lender Microfinance Delta International, believes it’s been a success so far.

It’s made building small businesses possible for some of the country’s poorest, even if more could be done to extend it into more remote areas, he said.

More than 3 million people have collectively received about 172 billion kyats in microloans from the 189 registered local and international lenders operating in Myanmar, according to the Ministry of Planning and Finance.

But too often, many say, these loans just further entrench poverty.

Bad luck and poor financial planning leave borrowers unable to pay their debts, leading many to seek out additional loans from unauthorized lenders that send them further into debt. Often, they offer what little they do have as collateral.

It’s a scenario Htwe Yee, of Dala township’s Kamarkasit ward, also knows well.

She sells purified water and also runs a noodle soup shop out of her home, but increased competition, she said, has put a squeeze on her income.

“Work is not going well right now, so I can’t make my payments. So I took out another loan from another lender thinking that would solve my problem, but the debts just piled up,” the 56-year-old told Myanmar Now.

A 2018 report by parliament’s Banking and Financial Development Committee found that most borrowers were never taught how to manage their money before receiving loans and that Htwe Yee and Julie’s behaviour was widespread.

Cooperative borrowing

Myint Myint San, 37, also of Kamarkasit ward, may have found one solution.

She leads a borrower’s cooperative made up of 55 ward residents. The cooperative organizes members into groups of five to 10, each of whom acts as guarantors for one another’s loans.

If a group member can’t make their payments, the rest of the group pools together the money owed. Each member can borrow up to 2 million kyats.

Myint Myint San herself has taken out loans of 500,000 kyats from the MDI and 900,000 kyats from LOLC, a Sri-Lankan microlender, over the last five years, she told Myanmar Now.

She is able to pay her debt with the profits from her dry goods store. Her success thins out risk for the whole community, where not everyone is as lucky.

Several times she’s had to help pay off the debts of her fellow co-op members who’ve fallen behind, giving those less fortunate more time to pay back their loans without defaulting.

“Many people have run away because they can’t repay it. The interest piles up and the debt increases,” she said. “Their incomes alone aren’t enough.”

Blame game

The parliamentary report was written after committee members met with 210 borrowers in Yangon, Mandalay, Bago and Ayeyarwady regions.

It said microlenders are not doing enough to educate borrowers about debt management and are more focused on making as many loans as possible than on reducing poverty.

Khin San Hlaing, the chair of the committee that authored the report, put the blame on the borrowers themselves.

“We have a Burmese proverb that says a person will buy as many elephants as they are years old if they can get a loan,” she said. “People say they’re taking a loan for agriculture but then they buy motorbikes, TVs and necklaces. The money is already lost.”

MMFA secretary Phyu Yamin Myat agreed.

“It used to be very difficult to get a loan. Now they take all the loans they can get because it’s easy,” she said. “People know they shouldn’t take out more than they can repay.”

“A loan is not a donation,” she added.

Zaw Naing, director-general of the planning and finance ministry’s regulatory body, told Myanmar Now the ministry is working with the MMFA on regulations to keep borrowers from taking on more debt than they can pay back, but did not elaborate on what such policies might look like.

Dr Zaw Oo, director of the Center for Economic and Social Development, agreed that the state must play a bigger role.

“The government needs to monitor this sector because people are being trapped in debt,” he said.

He thinks interest rates are being kept too low, encouraging low-income earners to take on too much debt and causing the system to stray from the original goals of microfinancing.

“Microfinance should allow low-income earners an equal opportunity to participate in economic development,” he added. “More lenders have popped up… but our country’s economy has not improved.”

Chan Thar is Reporter with Myanmar Now

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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