Helping or hurting: Touted as answer to poverty, microloans trap many in debt

Nearly 200 microlenders now offer low-interest loans to Myanmar’s poor, but many leave borrowers with crushing debt

Lay Dewan sits with his neighbours.

The arrival in 2017 of microfinancing in the Ayeyarwady region village of Wachaung inspired in Daw Julie big ambitions.

She knew her betel plantation could make more money if she could increase production, but she didn’t have the capital to invest in growth.

What seemed like a blessing in 2017 has proven a burden that now has her family’s land hanging in the balance.

Julie borrowed 800,000 kyats and her son borrowed 300,000 kyats from VisionFund, a global faith-based lender, in 2019. But after planting more betel, the farm was ravaged by pests.

The family became saddled with a monthly 129,000-kyat debt they can’t pay.

 

 

In an attempt to make good on those first loans, Daw Julie put her home and her family’s 4,800 square feet of land up as collateral on a 200,000-kyat loan from an unauthorized local lender.

The family is now more than a month delinquent on and that debt, leaving them facing the prospect of losing everything.

 

 

“We used to live comfortably with the money we earned from the plantation. Now we can’t even use the money we do make because we have to pay back the loan,” her husband, Lay Dewan, told Myanmar Now.

Daw Julie and Lay Dewan are not alone. More than five of their neighbours have fled the village to avoid defaulting on microloans.

Several have come to Yangon to find work, villagers told Myanmar Now.

Help or hindrance?

In 2011, the Thein Sein government passed the Myanmar Microfinance Law in an effort to reduce poverty. Microfinance companies quickly proliferated.

Several do not require collateral and have proved a saviour for borrowers previously without access to credit.

The practice is often touted as a means of reducing poverty, encouraging entrepreneurialism and small business development among impoverished communities.

For most of their existence in Myanmar, microloan interest rates were set at 3o percent annually, but in June 2019 the government reduced that rate to 28 percent (slightly over 2pc a month). However, unauthorized lenders often still charge up to 30 percent a month.

Myanmar Microfinance Association (MMFA) deputy chairman Myo Nyunt, who is also an assistant manager for Myanmar-based lender Microfinance Delta International, believes it’s been a success so far.

It’s made building small businesses possible for some of the country’s poorest, even if more could be done to extend it into more remote areas, he said.

More than 3 million people have collectively received about 172 billion kyats in microloans from the 189 registered local and international lenders operating in Myanmar, according to the Ministry of Planning and Finance.

But too often, many say, these loans just further entrench poverty.

Bad luck and poor financial planning leave borrowers unable to pay their debts, leading many to seek out additional loans from unauthorized lenders that send them further into debt. Often, they offer what little they do have as collateral.

It’s a scenario Htwe Yee, of Dala township’s Kamarkasit ward, also knows well.

She sells purified water and also runs a noodle soup shop out of her home, but increased competition, she said, has put a squeeze on her income.

“Work is not going well right now, so I can’t make my payments. So I took out another loan from another lender thinking that would solve my problem, but the debts just piled up,” the 56-year-old told Myanmar Now.

A 2018 report by parliament’s Banking and Financial Development Committee found that most borrowers were never taught how to manage their money before receiving loans and that Htwe Yee and Julie’s behaviour was widespread.

Cooperative borrowing

Myint Myint San, 37, also of Kamarkasit ward, may have found one solution.

She leads a borrower’s cooperative made up of 55 ward residents. The cooperative organizes members into groups of five to 10, each of whom acts as guarantors for one another’s loans.

If a group member can’t make their payments, the rest of the group pools together the money owed. Each member can borrow up to 2 million kyats.

Myint Myint San herself has taken out loans of 500,000 kyats from the MDI and 900,000 kyats from LOLC, a Sri-Lankan microlender, over the last five years, she told Myanmar Now.

She is able to pay her debt with the profits from her dry goods store. Her success thins out risk for the whole community, where not everyone is as lucky.

Several times she’s had to help pay off the debts of her fellow co-op members who’ve fallen behind, giving those less fortunate more time to pay back their loans without defaulting.

“Many people have run away because they can’t repay it. The interest piles up and the debt increases,” she said. “Their incomes alone aren’t enough.”

Blame game

The parliamentary report was written after committee members met with 210 borrowers in Yangon, Mandalay, Bago and Ayeyarwady regions.

It said microlenders are not doing enough to educate borrowers about debt management and are more focused on making as many loans as possible than on reducing poverty.

Khin San Hlaing, the chair of the committee that authored the report, put the blame on the borrowers themselves.

“We have a Burmese proverb that says a person will buy as many elephants as they are years old if they can get a loan,” she said. “People say they’re taking a loan for agriculture but then they buy motorbikes, TVs and necklaces. The money is already lost.”

MMFA secretary Phyu Yamin Myat agreed.

“It used to be very difficult to get a loan. Now they take all the loans they can get because it’s easy,” she said. “People know they shouldn’t take out more than they can repay.”

“A loan is not a donation,” she added.

Zaw Naing, director-general of the planning and finance ministry’s regulatory body, told Myanmar Now the ministry is working with the MMFA on regulations to keep borrowers from taking on more debt than they can pay back, but did not elaborate on what such policies might look like.

Dr Zaw Oo, director of the Center for Economic and Social Development, agreed that the state must play a bigger role.

“The government needs to monitor this sector because people are being trapped in debt,” he said.

He thinks interest rates are being kept too low, encouraging low-income earners to take on too much debt and causing the system to stray from the original goals of microfinancing.

“Microfinance should allow low-income earners an equal opportunity to participate in economic development,” he added. “More lenders have popped up… but our country’s economy has not improved.”

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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