Greatly outgunned but determined to defend themselves, Kalay protesters manage to even the score 

Armed only with homemade hunting rifles, protesters in the remote town have put up a good fight. But how long can it last?

Published on Apr 6, 2021
Civilians defend themselves with Tumi guns during a crackdown on the Tarhan protest camp in Kalay on March 28 (Supplied)
Civilians defend themselves with Tumi guns during a crackdown on the Tarhan protest camp in Kalay on March 28 (Supplied)

On the evening of March 28, the remote town of Kalay in Sagaing region became the scene of a pitched battle between regime forces and a determined band of protesters opposed to the return of military rule.

It was, as elsewhere in the country, a David and Goliath struggle, with soldiers and police using sniper rifles, machine guns, and hand grenades against the protesters, none of whom had ever faced such a barrage of lethal fire in their lives.

Despite this, however, the protesters more than held their own. Four of them died that night, but so did an equal number of the enemy, including an officer or two. The protesters also managed to wound 17 of their heavily armed attackers.

This came as a real surprise to many. After two months of a one-sided war that has so far cost the lives of more than 550 civilians, it was the first time that regime forces had suffered significant losses. The reason for this is that in almost all cases, they alone had the capacity to kill. In Kalay, however, it was a different story.

 

 

While the Kalay protesters could not match the firepower of their adversaries, they were not unarmed. Many had what are known locally as “Tumi guns”—handmade rifles normally used for hunting.

“It’s true that our weapons can’t compare to theirs. We are just peaceful protesters standing up for what we believe. But if they come and attack us, we will fight back with what we have,” one of the town’s defenders told Myanmar Now. 

 

 

Last line of defence

Kalay’s main battleground on March 28 was the protest camp on Bogyoke road, in the town’s Tarhan ward. Although the camp was destroyed that night, it was rebuilt the following day. More than a week later, it still stands as a stronghold of the local protest movement. 

But the defence of Kalay has not been limited to the Tarhan camp. Residents of villages on the way to the town have also played a key role in protecting it from a junta bent on crushing all opposition to its will.

Before reaching Kalay, the regime’s forces have to pass through a gauntlet of villages along the main highway from central Myanmar. These include Hnan Khar, Hantharwady, Taung Khin Yan, and Myaunt Khin in Magway region, and Nat Chaung and Nat Myaung, near Kalay in Sagaing region. 

In each of these places, villagers armed only with the same primitive weapons as the protesters in Kalay have clashed with fully-equipped military forces.  

“These villages are doing what they can to prevent the military from attacking Kalay. Without them, the entire town would be dead by now,” one Kalay local said.

On March 30, two regime troops were killed near a bridge in Taung Khin Yan, a village about two hours’ drive south of Kalay. The following day, the military reported that locals with Tumi guns had wounded five more of its troops.

The military also claimed that it had been attacked by home-made mines and even firecrackers, which the villagers denied.

“They probably made those mines themselves just so they could accuse us. But we don’t even have enough gunpowder for our guns now, let alone any extra to make mines,” said one villager who spoke to Myanmar Now. 

‘Like toys to them’ 

April began with further engagements, this time resulting in casualties on the side of the protesters. According to reports by local media based in Chin state, five civilians were killed on April 1 in the villages of Nat Myaung, Nat Chaung, and Chaung Gwa after locals exchanged fire with the junta’s armed forces.

Not surprisingly, the situation in the area has become extremely tense. The military has threatened to raid homes in all of the villages that have resisted its control to search for and confiscate weapons. 

In most cases, however, they would likely find them empty. Thousands of local people, including young children and the elderly, have fled in anticipation of the army’s retaliation.

“There is nothing left in the village now, only dogs and chickens,” said a resident of one of the affected villages. “Everyone is hiding in the forest.”

For those who want to continue their armed resistance, the best hope now is to bring an established armed group into the conflict. However, the Chin National Front (CNF), the ethnic army operating nearest to Kalay, is not heavily militarised.

While the CNF has issued statements condemning the coup, more than 100 Chin youth have called on the armed group in two open letters to implement structural reforms to better represent and "stand for" all ethnic Chin people during this crisis, local media outlet Chin World reported. At the time of publishing, they were still reportedly awaiting a response.

For now, then, that leaves only local protesters with their Tumi guns, which are far from ideal as weapons of war.

“They’re just homemade guns. Every time you shoot one, you have to reload it,” a young protester explained. 

The entire process, which involves filling the barrel with gunpowder, takes about three minutes. The gun’s range is about 50 to 100 feet, he added.

“These guns belong in a museum. They’re like toys to them in the military, who will suppress us one way or another,” he said, vowing to continue fighting even if the army moves to shut down the protests with a massive show of force.

But what he really wants is to learn how to resist the military properly, with weapons and combat skills that will make a real difference.

“If there is a group that can give us military training as well as weapons, we will keep on fighting. We can’t tolerate this situation any longer. We need to follow our own path,” he said.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

A directive reveals that the coup leader indefinitely extended his tenure as commander-in-chief days after seizing power

Published on May 22, 2021
Protesters hold placards depicting Senior General Min Aung Hlaing during an anti-coup demonstration in Yangon on February 13 (EPA)

Days after overthrowing Myanmar’s elected government, Senior General Min Aun Hlaing also pulled off another coup: making himself the country’s de facto military leader for life.

That was revealed in documents that have put his motives for throwing the country into turmoil into sharper focus.

On February 4, the newly installed junta issued a directive that effectively allowed Min Aung Hlaing to stay on as top general for as long as he sees fit. 

The directive, which has only recently come to light, removes an age restriction that would have required the senior general to step down later this year. 

The issue first came up five years ago, when he acknowledged that under existing rules, he would have to retire once he reached the age of 65.  

“The duty of commander-in-chief is not unlimited. There is an age limit that cannot be extended,” he told reporters in June 2016, when he was 60 years old.

Now less than two months away from his 65th birthday, Min Aung Hlaing should be making his way to the exit. Instead, he spends his days cementing his hold on power.

In a recent interview with the BBC’s Burmese-language service, Maj-Gen Zaw Min Tun, the regime’s deputy information minister and military spokesperson, confirmed the move.

The new directive allows both the commander-in-chief and the deputy commander-in-chief to remain in their positions for as long as the situation requires, he said without elaborating.

“It was changed because they are performing state duties,” he added, referring to the military’s resumption of direct control over the country since ousting its elected leaders.

Even before the coup, there were signs that Min Aung Hlaing was positioning himself to remain as the military’s unchallenged supremo, according to observers.  

One sign, they said, was his appointment of officers many years his junior to senior military posts, side-lining any prospective rivals from among those closer to him in age and influence.

Many of the military’s most powerful commanders are now relatively young men in their fifties or even forties, all of whom are beholden to Min Aung Hlaing for their rapid rise to the highest echelons of power.

The current air force chief is Gen Maung Maung Kyaw, who graduated from the 26th intake of the elite Defence Services Academy (DSA), seven years behind Min Aung Hlaing (DSA 19). His navy counterpart, Gen Moe Aung, is an even younger DSA alumnus from the 28th intake.

Younger still is Lt-Gen Moe Myint Tun (DSA 30), a Min Aung Hlaing favourite who now serves as army chief of staff. He is also a member of the ruling military council and, since the coup, the new chair of the Myanmar Investment Commission.

Lt-Gen Myo Zaw Thein, a DSA 28 graduate who is also closely linked to Min Aung Hlaing, was appointed adjutant general in July 2019, while DSA 35 graduate Lt-Gen Kyaw Swar Linn was named quartermaster general in May of last year, when he was just 49 years old. (He is also the youngest member of the Myanmar military ever to hold his current rank.)

Junta joint secretary Lt-Gen Ye Win Oo, who is also chief of military security affairs, and Lt-Gen Than Hlaing, the deputy home affairs minister and newly appointed police chief, are also at least 10 years younger than Min Aung Hlaing.

Maj Hein Thaw Oo, who served in the military for nearly 20 years before defecting in late March, said the senior general’s choices reflect his obsession with holding onto power.

“It’s madness. He just doesn’t want to transfer power to any of his peers. There are outstanding officers under him, but he doesn’t want anyone else to have power,” he said.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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He had gathered more than $10,000 to buy emergency supplies when he was taken into regime custody in Kalay 

Published on May 21, 2021
Locals from Mindat, which is under martial law, are seen fleeing into the jungles (Chin World)

A man who was collecting donations in Kalay, Sagaing Region to support internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Chin State was arrested by the military authorities on Wednesday and his funds seized, according to local sources. 

Aung Thang Phay had gathered 17 million kyat (more than US$10,000) for IDPs in Mindat while he was in Kalay. He stayed in the home of another local, Thang Marn Kee, who was also reportedly arrested on Thursday. 

“There were donors in Kalay so he went to meet the donors and accepted the donations. He was going to come back after buying all the supplies [for the IDPs], but he was arrested with all the cash. I assume he was taken after being questioned about the money,” an official from a local aid group helping the IDPs told Myanmar Now. 

He described the arrest and the confiscation of the funds as “cruel.” 

“They won’t care about displaced people. They’ve started the war. And after that, they sabotage the displaced people’s efforts to get the help and donations that they need? I’m at a loss for words,” he said. 

The source expected that formal charges would follow the arrest. 

“They’ll do whatever they want, as usual,” he said of the military council. 

People in Mindat, Chin State fled their homes in mid-May when clashes broke out between the junta’s armed forces and the local resistance movement, the Chinland Defence Force.

More than 3,000 IDPs were staying in seven camps in the area at the time of reporting.

Although exact figures are not known, the total number of IDPs from Mindat could be more than 10,000, according to Salai Pat Gyaung, a local who has been helping them. He told Myanmar Now on Wednesday that the displaced people were in desperate need of emergency support. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Despite his deteriorating health, a request by the man’s family to have him transferred to a private hospital was rejected

Published on May 21, 2021
Relatives of inmates line up outside Yangon’s Insein Prison in June 2016. (Myanmar Now) 

A 42-year-old man who was arrested while working as a volunteer night guard in Yangon two months ago died in prison on Wednesday night, according to relatives.

Thein Win was arrested on March 6 while on duty as a night guard on 10th Street in Yangon’s Lanmadaw Township. He was later charged with incitement under Section 505a of the Penal Code and held at Insein Prison.

His parents told Myanmar Now they learned about his death on Thursday, when they went to the prison to inquire about his situation. They took his body to the Yayway Cemetery to be cremated the same day. 

Thein Win was sent to the prison hospital shortly after fainting during a hearing on Tuesday. He passed away the next day after suffering from elevated blood-sugar levels, according to his mother, Win Win, citing information from prison staff.

“They should have informed us about his death,” she said, noting that her visit on Thursday was unrelated to her son’s health.  

“Prison officials only told us [about Thein Win’s death] after they accepted items we had brought to the prison for him,” she added. 

Thein Win had been hospitalised with diabetes in early 2019. The family submitted the medical records through a lawyer to request bail, but there was no response during his detention.

He was in good condition when he was arrested, she said.

However, inmates who were released in early April informed her that his health was deteriorating in detention, prompting the family to request that he be transferred to a private hospital for medical care.

“Because it wasn’t a big ‘crime’, we requested that he be hospitalised at a private hospital because prison hospitals are so poorly equipped. They have nothing. They probably only have normal medicines for coughs and cold,” she said.

“The conditions in prison are so squalid. He was quite overweight, over 200lbs. He couldn’t use a squat toilet, which is all they have in prison. So I heard that he wasn’t eating much, to avoid having to go to the toilet,” she said.

Thein Win’s father said he did not see any evidence of torture, noting that prison officials showed them a photo of their son’s body taken shortly after his death and asked them if they could see any bruises.

A Japanese journalist who was recently released from custody has spoken of torture in interrogation centres and the poor conditions inside Insein Prison. 

Overcrowding is a major problem at the prison, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), an advocacy group that monitors prison conditions in Myanmar.

Aung Myo Kyaw, an official for the group, told Myanmar Now in April 2020 that the prison was holding at least 10,000 inmates, or well over double its capacity, at the time.

Since seizing power on February 1, the military has arrested and detained thousands of civilians, including students, politicians, activists and journalists, as part of its effort to crush anti-coup protests. 

More than 4,200 are still in detention, according to the AAPP’s latest tally. 

The military council released more than 20,000 mostly non-political prisoners in a nationwide amnesty on February 12, but continues hold those deemed a threat to its hold on power.

The regime has also killed 810 civilians, including young children, in an effort to force the nation to submit to its rule.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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