Greatly outgunned but determined to defend themselves, Kalay protesters manage to even the score 

Armed only with homemade hunting rifles, protesters in the remote town have put up a good fight. But how long can it last?

Civilians defend themselves with Tumi guns during a crackdown on the Tarhan protest camp in Kalay on March 28 (Supplied)

On the evening of March 28, the remote town of Kalay in Sagaing region became the scene of a pitched battle between regime forces and a determined band of protesters opposed to the return of military rule.

It was, as elsewhere in the country, a David and Goliath struggle, with soldiers and police using sniper rifles, machine guns, and hand grenades against the protesters, none of whom had ever faced such a barrage of lethal fire in their lives.

Despite this, however, the protesters more than held their own. Four of them died that night, but so did an equal number of the enemy, including an officer or two. The protesters also managed to wound 17 of their heavily armed attackers.

This came as a real surprise to many. After two months of a one-sided war that has so far cost the lives of more than 550 civilians, it was the first time that regime forces had suffered significant losses. The reason for this is that in almost all cases, they alone had the capacity to kill. In Kalay, however, it was a different story.

 

 

While the Kalay protesters could not match the firepower of their adversaries, they were not unarmed. Many had what are known locally as “Tumi guns”—handmade rifles normally used for hunting.

“It’s true that our weapons can’t compare to theirs. We are just peaceful protesters standing up for what we believe. But if they come and attack us, we will fight back with what we have,” one of the town’s defenders told Myanmar Now. 

 

 

Last line of defence

Kalay’s main battleground on March 28 was the protest camp on Bogyoke road, in the town’s Tarhan ward. Although the camp was destroyed that night, it was rebuilt the following day. More than a week later, it still stands as a stronghold of the local protest movement. 

But the defence of Kalay has not been limited to the Tarhan camp. Residents of villages on the way to the town have also played a key role in protecting it from a junta bent on crushing all opposition to its will.

Before reaching Kalay, the regime’s forces have to pass through a gauntlet of villages along the main highway from central Myanmar. These include Hnan Khar, Hantharwady, Taung Khin Yan, and Myaunt Khin in Magway region, and Nat Chaung and Nat Myaung, near Kalay in Sagaing region. 

In each of these places, villagers armed only with the same primitive weapons as the protesters in Kalay have clashed with fully-equipped military forces.  

“These villages are doing what they can to prevent the military from attacking Kalay. Without them, the entire town would be dead by now,” one Kalay local said.

On March 30, two regime troops were killed near a bridge in Taung Khin Yan, a village about two hours’ drive south of Kalay. The following day, the military reported that locals with Tumi guns had wounded five more of its troops.

The military also claimed that it had been attacked by home-made mines and even firecrackers, which the villagers denied.

“They probably made those mines themselves just so they could accuse us. But we don’t even have enough gunpowder for our guns now, let alone any extra to make mines,” said one villager who spoke to Myanmar Now. 

‘Like toys to them’ 

April began with further engagements, this time resulting in casualties on the side of the protesters. According to reports by local media based in Chin state, five civilians were killed on April 1 in the villages of Nat Myaung, Nat Chaung, and Chaung Gwa after locals exchanged fire with the junta’s armed forces.

Not surprisingly, the situation in the area has become extremely tense. The military has threatened to raid homes in all of the villages that have resisted its control to search for and confiscate weapons. 

In most cases, however, they would likely find them empty. Thousands of local people, including young children and the elderly, have fled in anticipation of the army’s retaliation.

“There is nothing left in the village now, only dogs and chickens,” said a resident of one of the affected villages. “Everyone is hiding in the forest.”

For those who want to continue their armed resistance, the best hope now is to bring an established armed group into the conflict. However, the Chin National Front (CNF), the ethnic army operating nearest to Kalay, is not heavily militarised.

While the CNF has issued statements condemning the coup, more than 100 Chin youth have called on the armed group in two open letters to implement structural reforms to better represent and "stand for" all ethnic Chin people during this crisis, local media outlet Chin World reported. At the time of publishing, they were still reportedly awaiting a response.

For now, then, that leaves only local protesters with their Tumi guns, which are far from ideal as weapons of war.

“They’re just homemade guns. Every time you shoot one, you have to reload it,” a young protester explained. 

The entire process, which involves filling the barrel with gunpowder, takes about three minutes. The gun’s range is about 50 to 100 feet, he added.

“These guns belong in a museum. They’re like toys to them in the military, who will suppress us one way or another,” he said, vowing to continue fighting even if the army moves to shut down the protests with a massive show of force.

But what he really wants is to learn how to resist the military properly, with weapons and combat skills that will make a real difference.

“If there is a group that can give us military training as well as weapons, we will keep on fighting. We can’t tolerate this situation any longer. We need to follow our own path,” he said.

 

Khin Maung Kyi was among six who were detained near Si Thar Gyi village on Wednesday morning 

Published on May 21, 2021
Khin Maung Kyi was captured and tortured to death after he returned to his village to tend his crops

A local official of the Union Election Commission (UEC) in Magway Region was tortured to death by regime soldiers on Wednesday after returning from hiding to grow crops.

Khin Maung Kyi, 47, was among six who were detained in Taungdwingyi Township after informants reportedly told the military their whereabouts. The status of the five others is unknown. 

He was the local UEC chair for the Pat Lal Gyi village tract, which was the site of regular anti-coup protests until last month, when soldiers arrived at three villages firing guns and forced residents to flee. 

Khin Maung Kyi and around 3,000 others abandoned their homes during the raids. Many have fled into the surrounding forests where they have struggled to find food and have been sleeping rough.  

“He was hiding somewhere far away,” said a resident of Si Thar Gyi, which is one of the three villages that was raided and also where Khin Maung Kyi lived.

“Now that the wind has come and it has started to rain, he came back because he depends on his crops. He wanted to see if he could grow crops again.” 

He returned to the area last week and hid with the five others at his farm three miles from his village, but they were spotted by informants. 

“They surrounded them at night, then arrested them in the morning when the light came,” the resident said.

Soldiers tied their hands behind their backs and brutally beat them before taking them to the Si Thar Gyi village monastery, locals said. 

“He fell unconscious at the farm,” said another Si Thar Gyi villager. “U Khin Maung Kyi was carried as he was not able to walk. Soon after that he passed away.” 

The military sent his body to the morgue at the township hospital at around 4pm and his family collected him on Thursday morning. 

“When we looked at his body many areas were swollen from the beatings,” said someone who is close to Khin Maung Kyi’s family. “His ribs were broken. He had been punched in the eyes. It was very chilling to even look at his face. There was a wound where his stomach was stabbed with fire wood.” 

He was cremated the same evening at the Si Thar Gyi cemetery. He was the father of three children. 

The military’s spokesperson could not be reached for comment. 

Locals do not know where the other five people are being detained. 

On April 9 the military raided the villages of Pat Lal Gyi, Pyit Chaung, and Si Thar Gyi. Soldiers fired guns, burned down 12 houses and ransacked other homes. They then set up bases at a school in Pat Lal Gyi, at the Si Thar Gyi monastery, and at the Pyin Chaung village high school. 

Some residents returned after soldiers took loudspeakers to the edge of the forest to broadcast threats to those hiding there and ordered them to come back by 4pm on April 13. 

Among those who came back, locals said 26 were arrested. Only elderly people, women and young children returned to the villages, said a resident of Pyin Chaung who is still in hiding. “The men do not dare to go back. All those who are above the age of 10 have fled,” the resident said. 

Many of those still in hiding depend for food on the small plots of farmland they left behind. 

“If we cannot grow crops in time, we will starve this year,” said another Si Thar Gyi resident. “Now we do not dare to go back into the village. We cannot sleep well day or night. We get soaked by the rain. Food is running out. We don’t have water and we’re thirsty.” 

The military justified its February 1 power grab with unfounded claims of voter fraud in last year’s general election, which the National League for Democracy won in a massive landslide. 

The UEC, which in the run up to the coup rejected the military’s calls for an investigation into vote rigging, quickly became a target once the regime took power. 

The commission’s ousted president, Hla Thein, was detained during early morning raids on the day of the coup. The regime then rounded up lower level officials across the country and installed its own members on the commission. Many of those who have not been detained have gone into hiding. 

Last month Tin Maung San, the UEC secretary for Pathein, was killed in regime custody. His family was told that he fell down a set of stairs. Local media reported that six of his ribs were broken and there were wounds and other injuries on his head. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Repeating the military regime’s allegation that the NLD committed electoral fraud, Thein Soe says legal action will be brought against the party ‘soon’

Published on May 21, 2021
NLD supporters celebrate the party’s election victory in front of the party headquarters in Yangon on November 9, 2020 (Myanmar Now)

The junta-appointed Myanmar election commission chair said on Friday at a meeting in Naypyitaw that Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) could be disbanded due to “electoral fraud” and party leaders prosecuted as “traitors.”

Thein Soe, a former judge advocate general in the military and deputy chief justice, was appointed as the new chair of the Union Election Commission (UEC) by the military in the wake of the February 1 coup, which it staged on the pretext of alleged irregularities in last year’s election. 

Thein Soe said the commission’s scrutiny of voter lists would soon be concluded. After this, the commission plans to prosecute the NLD for the alleged “fraud,” according to a recording of his speech heard and verified by Myanmar Now. 

“What do we do to the NLD party that conspired by breaking the law? Should the party be disbanded? Prosecute those individuals who committed these acts as traitors to the country? We will take action accordingly,” he said at the Naypyitaw meeting.

He accused the NLD government of inflating voter lists, allowing those without identity cards to cast ballots, and using advance voting to benefit their party.

“It is an intentional move, to then be able to form a one-party government,” Thein Soe told political party representatives at the meeting.

Legal action against the NLD would take place “soon,” he added, but did not specify when.

Thein Soe also asked the representatives of parties who attended Friday’s meeting to provide evidence of electoral fraud that they may have experienced or witnessed. 

Despite the accusations by the junta-led election commission, the Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) has described the results of the 2020 vote as “by and large, representative of the will of the people of Myanmar” in its final report on the election released earlier this week.

Friday’s UEC event in Naypyitaw was the second such meeting of parties since the junta’s reappointment of commission members. Representatives of 59 political parties, including the People’s Party, which is led by 1988-generation pro-democracy activists, were present. Most of the parties who participated in the meeting did not win any seats in last year’s election.

The chair of the People’s Party, Ko Ko Gyi, has been a well-known political figure since the 1988 people’s uprising against the military. Many of the party’s senior leaders resigned out of opposition to the party’s decision to attend the meeting with junta-appointed UEC.

Among those parties that boycotted the meeting were the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), the Democratic Party for New Society (DPNS), and other prominent ethnic parties.

The chair of the DPNS said his party condemned and rejected the “illegitimate” actions of the military, including the murder of more than 800 civilians since anti-coup protests broke out throughout the country.

Rakhine politician Aye Maung who is the leader of the Arakan Front Party (AFP) was also present at the meeting. He was also a founding member of the Arakan National Party (ANP) until his resignation in 2017.

Aye Maung, who was sentenced to 20 years in prison for high treason in 2019, was released from prison as part of a general amnesty by the military junta on February 12.

He was arrested along with a Rakhine writer in January 2018 for delivering speeches marking the 233rd anniversary of the fall of the Arakan Kingdom at a rally in Rakhine State’s Rathedaung Township.

Junta welcomes back UEC’s 2010 chair 

Current military-appointed UEC chair Thein Soe served as chair of the commission during the 2010 election, which was overseen by Myanmar’s military regime headed by Than Shwe. 

The military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) “won” some 80 percent of seats in that election—the country’s first in two decades—but the vote was widely rejected both internationally and by civil society as being neither free nor fair. Thein Soe also barred foreign observers and international media from witnessing voting. 

The NLD boycotted the 2010 election out of objection to the military-drafted 2008 Constitution as well as electoral laws barring those with criminal records from candidacy. Prior to that time, more than 2,000 activists, including NLD leaders, had been detained for their political activities.

Suu Kyi, who was general secretary of the NLD, was under house arrest by the military regime when the election was held on November 7, 2010. She was released one week later.

Leaders of the NLD, including its chair Suu Kyi, were again arrested and charged following the February 1 coup. She faces a total of six charges, including alleged violations of the Official Secrets Act which carry a 14-year prison sentence. Party patron Win Htein has been charged with sedition.

Former UEC members appointed by the NLD government were also detained along with many NLD politicians and other activists. 

The regime has said that it will hold elections again at an unspecified time. No major pro-democracy party has made an official statement regarding whether they would take part in an election under the coup regime.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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While one party courted controversy by deciding to attend, others said they didn’t even consider taking part 

Published on May 21, 2021
Anti-coup protesters are seen at a rally in Yangon on February 16. (Myanmar Now) 

Leaders of most of Myanmar’s major political parties have decided not to attend a meeting with the country’s junta-appointed election body on Friday.

The meeting will be just the second held since the military appointed all new members to the Union Election Commission (UEC) in the wake of its February 1 coup, which it staged on the pretext of alleged irregularities in last year’s election.

The first meeting, held in late February, was attended by 53 political parties, only 10 of which had won any seats in the November 2020 general election.

Major ethnic parties such as the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD), the Arakan National Party (ANP), and the Kachin State People's Party (KSPP) are among those that will not be in attendance on Friday.

Also absent will be the Democratic Party for a New Society (DPNS), formed in 1988, and the United Nationalities Democracy Party (UNDP), which was founded in 2019 by former members of the National League for Democracy (NLD).

The NLD, which won last year’s election by a landslide, was due to form a new government when it was ousted by the coup. Most of its leaders are now in detention or in hiding.

Aung Moe Zaw, the chair of the DPNS, said in a video uploaded to the party’s Facebook page on Wednesday that his party refused to attend the Friday meeting because it rejected the coup regime’s “illegitimate” actions. It also boycotted the previous meeting.

“We are a political party that always says we are working for the public. They are killing and arresting members of the public on a daily basis and even threatening us with arrest. I myself have been charged with incitement. I don’t think we should attend the meeting for any reason,” he said.

The longtime pro-democracy activist added that the party would continue to boycott the regime until the path to democracy is restored in the country. He also called on other political parties to stand together with the people.

“We are a political party that always says we are working for the public. They are killing and arresting members of the public on a daily basis and even threatening us with arrest. I myself have been charged with incitement. I don’t think we should attend the meeting for any reason."

The chair of the SNLD, Sai Nyunt Lwin, told Myanmar Now that his party—which won 42 seats in last year’s election—did not even consider attending the meeting on Friday.

The SNLD, which is the largest ethnic party in the country, is more concerned with ongoing clashes and the Covid-19 pandemic, he said.

The party was also absent from the first junta-led UEC meeting in February.

The KSPP and the ANP, which both joined the February meeting, said they decided against attending this time around for a number of reasons.

“We were busy with Covid-19 issues and with our plans to relocate our party headquarters,” said KSPP central executive member Jan Hkung, adding that there was no discussion in the party about whether to accept the invitation of the military council’s UEC.

Tun Aung Kyaw, the joint secretary of the ANP, said that his party did discuss the possibility of attending the meeting, but decided against it on security grounds.

“As we all know, even administrators have been shot in the head. And there have also been explosions,” he said.

Naw Ohn Hla, the prominent rights activist who is also vice-chair of the UNDP, declined to comment on the party’s decision not to attend, apart from noting that it made the same choice in February.

Most of the parties that attended the last meeting were allied with the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party, although a handful of ethnic parties also took part.

During that meeting, the junta-appointed UEC chairman announced that the results of last year’s election had been annulled over allegations of voter fraud.

In its final report on the election, however, the Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) said that “the results of the 2020 elections were, by and large, representative of the will of the people of Myanmar.”

The regime has said that it will hold elections again at an unspecified time, but few observers believe that they will be free or fair.

“The junta that staged the coup appointed the people who will run the election. How can we trust them to hold a fair election?” said the leader of an ethnic party who spoke to Myanmar Now on condition of anonymity.

One of the few parties not directly connected to the military that decided to attend the meeting was the People’s Party, whose chair, Ko Ko Gyi, has been a well-known political figure since the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. 

“The junta that staged the coup appointed the people who will run the election. How can we trust them to hold a fair election?”

Ko Ko Gyi declined to speak to Myanmar Now about the decision, but in a recent interview with the BBC, he said that most of the party’s members agreed with the move.

“The majority of members think we should attend the meeting to officially express the party’s political stance and our views,” he said. 

However, a number of senior party members, including the party’s general secretary and Ko Ko Gyi’s longtime associate Ye Naing Aung, have resigned over the decision.

The party did not send representatives to the UEC meeting in February.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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