Grape growers feed an expanding wine market in Myanmar

A worker in a vineyard in Yamethin Township, seen in early May.

YAMETHIN, Mandalay Region — Workers prised grapes from rows trained on Y-shaped trellises, loading them into their baskets, while vehicles weighted with lugs of fresh grapes left the vineyard one by one.

Myanmar Now came across this busy scene while visiting Yamethin Township of Mandalay Region, in Myanmar’s central Dry Zone, in May.

Two types of grape are nurtured in the sprawling vineyards of the township. One is sold fresh to fruit wholesalers, the other is sent for pressing in wineries.

Grower U San Aung in Alaykon Village said the advantages of growing grapes for wine included the money saved on transport, because the wine companies come right to the vineyard to buy grapes.

 

 

“It is not difficult to grow more wine grapes if the first batch goes well. If all goes well, I won’t need to grow other crops,” he said.

Like San Aung, local growers are increasingly selling to wine companies to meet a steadily growing demand.

 

 

Partnerships

Myanmar’s drinkers currently prefer beer or spirits, but wine producers are hopeful that wine enjoyment will keep growing steadily from its low base. Supermarkets in larger cities are stocking an increasing number of locally made wines. Tourists may also be tempted to dabble if more local wine were made available.

Myanmar 1st Vineyard Estate started growing grapes near Taunggyi, the capital of Shan State, in the year 2000. Six years later, the first bottles reached the market. Its Aythaya and Monte Vino-branded red, white and rosé wines are now sold across Myanmar. Its Aythaya vineyard is also a popular tourist stop, with a scenic dining terrace.

According to the 2017 Shan State Investment Survey Report published by the finance ministry in 2017, the company began exporting wines to foreign markets in 2009.

Currently, the company grows 14 grape varieties based on vines imported from Europe. Growth in sales led to partnerships with grape growers in Yamethin and Meiktila townships of Mandalay Region, as well as Hopong Township, also in Shan State.

17 local growers banded together to grow grapes over 20 acres in Yamethin Township, partly to supply the company. More have since joined the effort, bringing the number to 30, according to the company’s deputy product director Ko Min Zaw Thant. He added that, in a few years, the company would bar new entrants to the partnership.

U Nyo Gyi, a grower in Yamethin, has worked with the company for eight years. He said a third of the grapes harvested from his 4.5-acre vineyard now go to the winery.

He said locals prefer to grow grapes for wine because of the more stable prices. The price for a viss (1.63 kilograms) of grapes is generally between 2,000 and 3,000 kyats (US$1.44-2.16). However, the price of grapes grown to be eaten fresh can sometimes fall to 800 kyats ($0.58) per viss if misshapen.

Grapes grown for fresh consumption fetch attractive prices only if large and perfectly shaped. This requires extra care, and correspondingly higher costs, in contrast with grapes destined for a wine press.

According to the Yamethin Agriculture Department, there are 3,083 acres of vineyard in the township, but local growers estimate the real number to be double.

U Tin Oo, a local bean grower, has also cultivated grapes for 30 years, for fresh consumption and, increasingly, for wine. He too cited the lower costs of growing wine grapes.

Negligible drinkers

However, despite the relative ease of cultivation and attractive prices, demand from wineries is still limited and growers make themselves vulnerable by depending on one company, which some locals worry may one day cut down on purchases.

Moreover, while grapes for fresh consumption can be grown twice a year, those intended for wineries can only be grown once a year. This can impose a burdensome delay on farmers receiving their first returns.

Yet, growers are seeing a slowly increasing number of buyers. Owners of small wineries in Pyin Oo Lwin, further north in Mandalay Region, and elsewhere are coming to their vineyards to buy grapes, and a winery in the capital Naypyidaw has proposed a partnership with Yamethin growers.

Some wineries are providing growers with free vines to ensure quality, and one company is offering loans worth up to 30 percent of the expected yield, without interest, to new growers.

Myanmar 1st Vineyard Estate, meanwhile, is planning to scale up production. It currently produces around 350,000 wine bottles a year. But the company anticipates 400,000 bottles next year and estimates that, in a few years, they could hit 600,000 bottles.

According to a survey by the company, wine-drinkers account for a negligible 0.0005 percent of Myanmar’s population, or 26,445 people. However, they say their sales have increased by around 10 percent year-on-year for the last five years.

“People will keep on drinking wine. Wine culture is always on the rise,” said Ko Min Zaw, the company’s deputy product director.

A worker taking harvested grapes from the vineyard to the bus station in Yamethin Township, seen in early May.

A worker in a vineyard in Yamethin Township, seen in early May.

 

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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