Girls raped for months in Ayeyarwady monastery

A village monk repeatedly raped four girls under his care, and is now on the run. Parents say the monk took advantage of their poverty.

The girls were allegedly raped inside the shrine of the Buddhist monastery in the town of Pathein in Ayeyarwady Region.

PATHEIN — In a house by the road leading to Ngwe Saung beach in Ayeyarwady Region, a village administrator was chatting heatedly with a group of women. A ten-year-old girl sat close by, playing with rubber bands.

They were discussing the repeated rape of four female elementary school students, including a ten-year-old girl, over several months while staying at a Buddhist monastery presided over by a lone monk.

The parents, who live a mile from Saitta Thuka monastery, had assumed their children returned to the monastery after school each day to help with chores, do their homework, and rest for the night. Their abuse was revealed a few days after they returned home for the hot season holiday in February.

The mother of the ten-year-old girl said that she was so furious she thought about running straight to the monastery.

"If he were an ordinary man, I would have knifed him on that day. But, I couldn't do it because he was a monk," she said.

Parents say the monk, U Nanda Thiri, took advantage of local families’ poverty and lack of education.

Struggling to get by

The ten-year-old girl is the eldest of five siblings. The mile-long road from her home to the school is too steep for cycling, and with a daily income for the family of only a few thousands kyats, motorcycle taxis are too expensive.

So, when the monk offered to take the girl in, the parents gladly accepted.

The family home is a hut of 10 square feet with a poorly thatched roof in Yetho village, 19 miles from Pathein, the regional capital. Like many locals, the parents do multiple jobs, including chopping wood and making charcoal—hard work for low pay. On a good day, they can enjoy a fish curry.

Another rape survivor, aged 12, is also from Yetho. In a family of four, her home looks better than others in the village, but the family also has to struggle to get by.

Two other rape survivors are sisters aged 10 and 14 from Ma Daut Kone village, a mile from Yetho. The family’s daily income is 3-5000 kyats, so they cannot afford for the girls to go to school.

The parents knew and trusted the monk, who promised to pay the girls’ school fees.

The monastery is a 20-square-foot wooden building on two acres of land near Yetho Creek. The monk sleeps in a separate room known as kyat-tha-ye-khan, which is also used to store food and donations. It is close to where the girls sleep. Boys, including novices, sleep further away.

The girls described the kyat-tha-ye-khan as a “hell room.”

Daytime assaults

The rapes started a week after the school year began in June 2017. The monk would command two or three children to massage him with the order, "soldiers, massage!" The victim would be the last one left in the room with the monk, the girls said.

The daytime assaults usually happened while the boys were playing outside, the ten-year-old girl said.

"When the boys tried to come inside, the monk stopped them, saying their feet were sandy. He asked them to cook rice or fetch water, but kept the one he wanted to rape with him," she said.

He would ask another child to keep watch while he raped, threatening to beat them if they told their parents. He did not use a condom, the children said.

"The monk's face was sweaty. He said nothing when I asked what he was doing. He raped me without taking off his thin paing [an undergarment worn by monks]," the 14-year-old girl said, crying, her arms around her knees.

The girl said she bled from her private parts, and was in considerable pain.

"Sometimes I couldn't walk. My feet were stiff," she said, looking down.

She did not tell anyone, including her classmates, about the assault for the whole school year. Her ten-year-old sister was also assaulted, she said, declining to answer further questions.

The 14-year-old girl, the oldest of those known to have been raped, has shown no signs of pregnancy, her father said.

"The children are young enough to be his grandchildren," he said.

The 14-year-old girl has avoided eye contact with people ever since, the elder sister said.

"She looked so downcast when she came back for the school holiday. We thought it was because she was going through puberty," she said.

The other two rape survivors could not be reached for interview during Myanmar Now’s visit.

However, one of the boys who stayed in the monastery told Myanmar Now he knew nothing about the rapes.

According to village administrator U Saw Win, there were a total of 11 boys and girls staying at the monastery. It is now empty and village elders have locked up the compound.

Who is U Nanda Thiri?

Locals estimated the monk Nanda Thiri had been living in Yetho for about 10 years, though they didn’t know his origins.

He was ordained as a monk at Saitta Thuka monastery three years after his arrival in the village. When the abbot passed away five years ago, he became administrator of the monastery, which received less food and fewer donations under his charge, locals said.

Police records seen by Myanmar Now attribute various names to the monk—Nanda Thiri, Lu Lay, and Khin Maung Oo—and put his age at 56. Orders have been sent to police stations around Pathein, as well as others in Yangon and Sagaing regions, to arrest the monk on sight.

Police officers said they could not answer questions on Nanda Thiri while the investigation was in progress.

The monastery receives steady income from a telecom tower within its grounds, as well as 1 million kyats in donations each year from the Kathein festival in Ngwe Saung, said U Hla Aye, a local who was a monk at the monastery for two years

Because Nanda Thiri holds a license to practice traditional medicine, locals and people from elsewhere would come to him for consultations.

Hla Aye said he saw Nanda Thiri abusing the girls a few days after their arrival at the monastery, and he tried to reprimand the monk.

"He was rubbing the two children's nipples with his hands. I told him he shouldn't act like this, and he said it was none of my business," Hla Aye said. Later, Nanda Thiri asked him to move to another monastery, which prompted Hla Aye to leave the monkhood.

"He knew if I stayed in the monastery, his devious acts would be exposed," Hla Aye said.

Nanda Thiri gave each child 200 kyats per day as pocket money, but sometimes gave anywhere between 1,000 and 20,000 kyats, the rape survivors said. The parents and village elders said they knew of this.

Fugitive monk

After the children returned home in February for the holiday, having done their exams, Nanda Thiri came to the village and approached the mother of the ten-year-old. He said he missed the children, and requested the mother to send her daughter to help with chores at the monastery.

When the mother asked her daughter to do so, the daughter revealed what she had suffered.

"I told everything because I was afraid of going back," the ten-year-old told Myanmar Now.

That same morning, the mother went to enquire with the parents of the other girls. They discussed the alleged rapes for the rest of the day, and went with the village administrator to the Tha Lat Kwar police station around midnight.

Nanda Thiri had left by this time and was staying at another monastery called Tha Lat Kwar. The monastery’s abbot U Kawwida told Myanmar Now that Nanda Thiri departed the next morning, saying he would go to Pathein, and has not been seen since.

Kawwida said he had thought Nanda Thiri was merely being charitable by taking in the children. He promised to tell the police if he heard any news of Nanda Thiri, saying the allegations could give “anti-monk” activists a reason to attack the sangha, as the Buddhist monkhood is known.

"The sangha is now being attacked from all sides. Since this is a real case of child abuse, I will inform as soon as I hear anything," Kawwida said.

Colonel Khin Maung Lat of Ayeyarwady Region police said the force was trying to arrest the accused.

"If we still have no news of him after four or five months, we will charge him as a fugitive," the police colonel said.

Police said the children were sent to Pathein General Hospital for checkups two days after the case was filed.

Never again

Although the children are relieved they no longer have to stay at the monastery, they remain shaken.

If the ten-year-old girl had not revealed the assaults, they would have continued, U Ko Lat, a representative for ten local households, told Myanmar Now.

There are people in the community who praise her courage, the girl said, but there are some who blame her,

"When I passed by a neighbor's house yesterday, the neighbor asked why the ‘monk's wife’ was walking in front of their house," said the girl, wiping tears from her face.

"My friends say nothing but their grandmothers talk, and they don't allow their grandchildren to play with me. I don't want to tell my mother. She would pick a fight with them," she said.

The father of the 14-year-old rape survivor said the parents were hoping for a harsh punishment for the rapist. However, he said the community’s lack of education had helped enable the assaults.

"I will not let this happen again. It doesn't matter how tired I am, I will make sure my kids are educated," he said.

The children said they enjoy going to school.

"I will continue my education. I have never failed an exam. I will be a teacher after I graduate," the ten-year-old girl said.

According to police data for 2017, Yangon Region has the highest number of sexual assaults in Myanmar, followed by Ayeyarwady Region, where 243 rape cases were reported to police. The victims in 156 cases were children.

Many of the child rape survivors share a similarity in having many siblings. Financially stretched parents are unable to look after all their children themselves, and so leave them in the care of others.

Daw Khin Lay, director of the Triangle Women Support Group, said poverty is the main reason why children have to suffer these abuses.

She said some orphanages and charitable organizations take in children to attract donations, but they don’t look after the children properly, and there have been instances where the children are sexually abused by staff.

Local authorities should learn from the case of the four schoolgirls in Yetho village, and they should audit shelters caring for underage children, she said.

"If we had a regular audit system, the physical and emotional abuse of children would be reduced," she said.

Editing by Ben Dunant

 

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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