Girls raped for months in Ayeyarwady monastery

A village monk repeatedly raped four girls under his care, and is now on the run. Parents say the monk took advantage of their poverty.

The girls were allegedly raped inside the shrine of the Buddhist monastery in the town of Pathein in Ayeyarwady Region.

PATHEIN — In a house by the road leading to Ngwe Saung beach in Ayeyarwady Region, a village administrator was chatting heatedly with a group of women. A ten-year-old girl sat close by, playing with rubber bands.

They were discussing the repeated rape of four female elementary school students, including a ten-year-old girl, over several months while staying at a Buddhist monastery presided over by a lone monk.

The parents, who live a mile from Saitta Thuka monastery, had assumed their children returned to the monastery after school each day to help with chores, do their homework, and rest for the night. Their abuse was revealed a few days after they returned home for the hot season holiday in February.

The mother of the ten-year-old girl said that she was so furious she thought about running straight to the monastery.

"If he were an ordinary man, I would have knifed him on that day. But, I couldn't do it because he was a monk," she said.

Parents say the monk, U Nanda Thiri, took advantage of local families’ poverty and lack of education.

Struggling to get by

The ten-year-old girl is the eldest of five siblings. The mile-long road from her home to the school is too steep for cycling, and with a daily income for the family of only a few thousands kyats, motorcycle taxis are too expensive.

So, when the monk offered to take the girl in, the parents gladly accepted.

The family home is a hut of 10 square feet with a poorly thatched roof in Yetho village, 19 miles from Pathein, the regional capital. Like many locals, the parents do multiple jobs, including chopping wood and making charcoal—hard work for low pay. On a good day, they can enjoy a fish curry.

Another rape survivor, aged 12, is also from Yetho. In a family of four, her home looks better than others in the village, but the family also has to struggle to get by.

Two other rape survivors are sisters aged 10 and 14 from Ma Daut Kone village, a mile from Yetho. The family’s daily income is 3-5000 kyats, so they cannot afford for the girls to go to school.

The parents knew and trusted the monk, who promised to pay the girls’ school fees.

The monastery is a 20-square-foot wooden building on two acres of land near Yetho Creek. The monk sleeps in a separate room known as kyat-tha-ye-khan, which is also used to store food and donations. It is close to where the girls sleep. Boys, including novices, sleep further away.

The girls described the kyat-tha-ye-khan as a “hell room.”

Daytime assaults

The rapes started a week after the school year began in June 2017. The monk would command two or three children to massage him with the order, "soldiers, massage!" The victim would be the last one left in the room with the monk, the girls said.

The daytime assaults usually happened while the boys were playing outside, the ten-year-old girl said.

"When the boys tried to come inside, the monk stopped them, saying their feet were sandy. He asked them to cook rice or fetch water, but kept the one he wanted to rape with him," she said.

He would ask another child to keep watch while he raped, threatening to beat them if they told their parents. He did not use a condom, the children said.

"The monk's face was sweaty. He said nothing when I asked what he was doing. He raped me without taking off his thin paing [an undergarment worn by monks]," the 14-year-old girl said, crying, her arms around her knees.

The girl said she bled from her private parts, and was in considerable pain.

"Sometimes I couldn't walk. My feet were stiff," she said, looking down.

She did not tell anyone, including her classmates, about the assault for the whole school year. Her ten-year-old sister was also assaulted, she said, declining to answer further questions.

The 14-year-old girl, the oldest of those known to have been raped, has shown no signs of pregnancy, her father said.

"The children are young enough to be his grandchildren," he said.

The 14-year-old girl has avoided eye contact with people ever since, the elder sister said.

"She looked so downcast when she came back for the school holiday. We thought it was because she was going through puberty," she said.

The other two rape survivors could not be reached for interview during Myanmar Now’s visit.

However, one of the boys who stayed in the monastery told Myanmar Now he knew nothing about the rapes.

According to village administrator U Saw Win, there were a total of 11 boys and girls staying at the monastery. It is now empty and village elders have locked up the compound.

Who is U Nanda Thiri?

Locals estimated the monk Nanda Thiri had been living in Yetho for about 10 years, though they didn’t know his origins.

He was ordained as a monk at Saitta Thuka monastery three years after his arrival in the village. When the abbot passed away five years ago, he became administrator of the monastery, which received less food and fewer donations under his charge, locals said.

Police records seen by Myanmar Now attribute various names to the monk—Nanda Thiri, Lu Lay, and Khin Maung Oo—and put his age at 56. Orders have been sent to police stations around Pathein, as well as others in Yangon and Sagaing regions, to arrest the monk on sight.

Police officers said they could not answer questions on Nanda Thiri while the investigation was in progress.

The monastery receives steady income from a telecom tower within its grounds, as well as 1 million kyats in donations each year from the Kathein festival in Ngwe Saung, said U Hla Aye, a local who was a monk at the monastery for two years

Because Nanda Thiri holds a license to practice traditional medicine, locals and people from elsewhere would come to him for consultations.

Hla Aye said he saw Nanda Thiri abusing the girls a few days after their arrival at the monastery, and he tried to reprimand the monk.

"He was rubbing the two children's nipples with his hands. I told him he shouldn't act like this, and he said it was none of my business," Hla Aye said. Later, Nanda Thiri asked him to move to another monastery, which prompted Hla Aye to leave the monkhood.

"He knew if I stayed in the monastery, his devious acts would be exposed," Hla Aye said.

Nanda Thiri gave each child 200 kyats per day as pocket money, but sometimes gave anywhere between 1,000 and 20,000 kyats, the rape survivors said. The parents and village elders said they knew of this.

Fugitive monk

After the children returned home in February for the holiday, having done their exams, Nanda Thiri came to the village and approached the mother of the ten-year-old. He said he missed the children, and requested the mother to send her daughter to help with chores at the monastery.

When the mother asked her daughter to do so, the daughter revealed what she had suffered.

"I told everything because I was afraid of going back," the ten-year-old told Myanmar Now.

That same morning, the mother went to enquire with the parents of the other girls. They discussed the alleged rapes for the rest of the day, and went with the village administrator to the Tha Lat Kwar police station around midnight.

Nanda Thiri had left by this time and was staying at another monastery called Tha Lat Kwar. The monastery’s abbot U Kawwida told Myanmar Now that Nanda Thiri departed the next morning, saying he would go to Pathein, and has not been seen since.

Kawwida said he had thought Nanda Thiri was merely being charitable by taking in the children. He promised to tell the police if he heard any news of Nanda Thiri, saying the allegations could give “anti-monk” activists a reason to attack the sangha, as the Buddhist monkhood is known.

"The sangha is now being attacked from all sides. Since this is a real case of child abuse, I will inform as soon as I hear anything," Kawwida said.

Colonel Khin Maung Lat of Ayeyarwady Region police said the force was trying to arrest the accused.

"If we still have no news of him after four or five months, we will charge him as a fugitive," the police colonel said.

Police said the children were sent to Pathein General Hospital for checkups two days after the case was filed.

Never again

Although the children are relieved they no longer have to stay at the monastery, they remain shaken.

If the ten-year-old girl had not revealed the assaults, they would have continued, U Ko Lat, a representative for ten local households, told Myanmar Now.

There are people in the community who praise her courage, the girl said, but there are some who blame her,

"When I passed by a neighbor's house yesterday, the neighbor asked why the ‘monk's wife’ was walking in front of their house," said the girl, wiping tears from her face.

"My friends say nothing but their grandmothers talk, and they don't allow their grandchildren to play with me. I don't want to tell my mother. She would pick a fight with them," she said.

The father of the 14-year-old rape survivor said the parents were hoping for a harsh punishment for the rapist. However, he said the community’s lack of education had helped enable the assaults.

"I will not let this happen again. It doesn't matter how tired I am, I will make sure my kids are educated," he said.

The children said they enjoy going to school.

"I will continue my education. I have never failed an exam. I will be a teacher after I graduate," the ten-year-old girl said.

According to police data for 2017, Yangon Region has the highest number of sexual assaults in Myanmar, followed by Ayeyarwady Region, where 243 rape cases were reported to police. The victims in 156 cases were children.

Many of the child rape survivors share a similarity in having many siblings. Financially stretched parents are unable to look after all their children themselves, and so leave them in the care of others.

Daw Khin Lay, director of the Triangle Women Support Group, said poverty is the main reason why children have to suffer these abuses.

She said some orphanages and charitable organizations take in children to attract donations, but they don’t look after the children properly, and there have been instances where the children are sexually abused by staff.

Local authorities should learn from the case of the four schoolgirls in Yetho village, and they should audit shelters caring for underage children, she said.

"If we had a regular audit system, the physical and emotional abuse of children would be reduced," she said.

Editing by Ben Dunant

 

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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