Garment industry policies endangering pregnancies, women’s health

Pregnancy labour laws go ignored by garment factory owners, leaving female workers in perilous positions

A garment factory in Yangon (Photo- Myanmar Now)

On her way home from work on 9 November, Phyo Ei Ei Khine began experiencing lower back pain.

It was not an altogether unfamiliar symptom, her workdays spent bent over a garment factory sewing machine often leaving her sore, but the pain and fatigue that particular day felt overwhelming.

Married for three years, she was five months into her first pregnancy.

By 2am that night she was up with severe abdominal pain. Pulling back the covers, she saw blood running down her legs.

At the hospital, doctors told her she’d had a miscarriage.

 

 

“They took the fetus away in a plastic bag. I didn’t want to look at it,” she recently told Myanmar Now, her eyes cast down to hide her tears.

Myanmar's 2012 Social Security Law grants any employee registered for social security up to six weeks of paid medical leave after a miscarriage, and the 1951 Work and Holidays Act grants this same benefit even to those not registered for social security, though protections for day labourers and employees on probationary periods differ.

 

 

But two weeks later, Phyo Ei Ei Khaing was back at work.

The 22-year-old has worked at the KGG garment factory in Dagon Seikkan township for more than two years. She is among the hundreds of factory workers in Myanmar denied medical leave benefits and appropriate accommodations when working while pregnant.

Records from the Confederation of Trade Unions in Myanmar’s Women’s Workers’ Centre show that, since 2017, more than 100 women have asked for help after being denied leave following a misscarriage.

Phyo Ei Ei Khaing brought a doctor’s note to work after her miscarriage asking for her six weeks but was told her pregnancy had not lasted long enough to entitle her to maternity leave.

“It’s not like staying at home… I only bleed a little when I’m at home, but I bleed a lot more at the factory because, using the foot pedal, my lower body is always moving,” she told Myanmar Now at the worker’s union office in Dagon Seikkan township in early December.

It’s not just about discomfort. After a miscarriage, a woman is as vulnerable as she’d be if she’d just given birth to a live, healthy baby, and needs at least six full weeks of rest to recover, Khin Pyone Kyi, an obstetrician and gynaecologist at the Central Women's Hospital in Yangon, told Myanmar Now.

Not allowing oneself to rest and fully recover leaves a woman prone to uterine infection and inflammation and fallopian tube damage, all of which can leave a woman infertile.

Eclampsia, a condition of dangerously high blood pressure that can cause seizures, is also a major risk following infection.

"If what’s inside is not taken out quickly and safely after bleeding begins, it can be life-threatening. Eclampsia is likely to follow after a miscarriage, when infection is always possible,” Khin Pyone Kyi said.

As of November, more than 560 factories employing more than 500,000 workers are members of the Myanmar Garment Manufacturers Association, according to the association, with most factories located in Yangon region, followed by Bago and Ayeyarwady regions. More than 90 percent of these workers are women, mostly of childbearing age.

Working while pregnant

Phyo Ei Ei Khaing had informed her employer of her pregnancy as soon as she learned of it. She expected to be moved to a less physically demanding position as the pregnancy progressed.

A few days before miscarrying, a manager okayed a move but it had still yet to go into effect.

Her colleague May Wint Thu, 25, told her boss she’s three months pregnant and is similarly yet to be reassigned to lighter work. Instead, she remains in the sewing section, where she has to meet the same daily quotas as everyone else.

"The pregnancy makes me have to urinate more often, but I’ll only go twice while sewing because I’m afraid of missing my target," she told Myanmar Now.

Than Than Nwe, 30, is also three months pregnant. For the last five years she’s worked at the Rainbow Soap factory in Dagon Seikkan Township, where workers recently protested for better pay and for less labour-intensive work for pregnant women.

She was moved to a position applying stickers to the boxes of soap she previously had to lug around.

"They used to ask pregnant workers to drive heavy machinery when drivers didn't show up. Now, they don't dare ask anymore," Ma Than Than Nwe said.

Several workers told Myanmar Now commuting to and from work while pregnant was itself one of the most difficult obstacles.

The factories arrange Dyna trucks for workers but the trucks are especially uncomfortable for pregnant women, and they negotiate Yangon’s rough roads poorly.

The trip from 29-year-old Aye Mon’s home in the Kyauktan township village of Yon Thapyay Kan to the Fu Yuen Garment Co Ltd factory in Dagon Seikkan township, where she works, requires a bumpy, four-hour truck ride. And because the road between her village and the nearest major road cannot accommodate cars or trucks, her journey starts and ends each day with a twenty-minute ride on the back of a motorbike taxi.

Five months after becoming a permanent employee, she miscarried. She was two months pregnant.

She believes her commute killed her pregnancy.

But the factory gave her just one week of emergency leave, saying she was ineligible for additional benefits. Under the 2012 Social Security Law, a worker must pay into social security for six months and must be employed with a company for at least a year before claiming benefits. The 1951 law, however, still entitles her to six weeks paid leave.

After using up her week of emergency leave, she later had to spend another five days in the hospital when increased bleeding followed her return to factory work.

“I applied for and got one more week off, but my pay was cut,” she told Myanmar Now at her home.

Day labourers and workers still on probationary periods are not entitled to pregnancy-related leaves, including during labour and delivery, leading many to conceal and ultimately endanger their pregnancies.

Hnin Ei Hlaing, 30, has worked as a day labourer at the Myan Yi garment factory in Hlaing Tharyar township since July 1, where she sometimes has to carry or move heavy garment bags.

She never told her employers she was pregnant, hoping to work through her probationary period and become a full-time employee.

Just 16 days into the job, she miscarried.

She took some painkillers and returned to work the next day.

“My back ached. I couldn't sit up because of the stomach pain for a few days after the miscarriage, and I bled so much my whole house smelled like blood," she told Myanmar Now.

Know your rights

Myanmar Now repeatedly reached out to officials at the Myan Yi, Phuoung, KGG and Rainbow factories but all declined to comment. Each has faced accusations of denying women proper time off after miscarrying.

Workers’ complaints, if found credible, can shut factories down, said Aye Thaung, chairman of the Garment Manufacturers Association.

“(Factory owners) can be charged if there is concrete evidence they’re denying entitled leaves. Because workers pay social security fees, they can file complaints at the workers' office,” he told Myanmar Now.

Once a worker has contributed six months worth of social security payments they are automatically registered and entitled to all benefits even if they haven’t yet received a physical social security card, according to Maung Maung Aye, director general of the Social Security Administration.

“If your employer denies you benefits, tell your township office. The township office will call the employer,” he said. “Workers have legally protected rights."

Even so, Myanmar Now found several pregnant workers in December that were unaware of these rights.

In a survey of 67 garment factory workers in Hlaing Tharyar, Shwepyithar and Dagon Seikkan townships, roughly three quarters of respondents were unaware that women are entitled to paid time off after a miscarriage.

More than half of the 54 women surveyed said they were worried about getting pregnant while employed and about a third said they were prepared to quit if they did.

The Social Security Board does provide education on workers rights in industrial areas, but the subject still remains poorly understood, Maung Maung Aye said.

Either way, after losing her first pregnancy, Phyo Ei Ei Khine said she’s too afraid to risk getting pregnant again anytime soon.

"I will have another child, but not for years. I’ll keep working now then quit before deciding to have another child again,” she said.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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