Fugitive in rape case escapes justice for seven years, becomes ward administrator

Fugitive in rape case escapes justice for seven years, becomes ward administrator

YANGON — When Ma Lai Lai saw a man pass her mother’s house on a motorbike, a seven-year-old trauma painfully resurfaced.

It was the same man, U Yan Naing Soe, who had abducted and raped her when she was fourteen years old, she said. He had, on paper, been a fugitive ever since.

Except, rather than spending years in hiding, Yan Naing Soe had served as an administrator of Ward 140 in Yangon’s South Dagon Myothit Township, where he had earned respect for his “tough” approach to local criminals.

But recent news spread on Facebook has prompted police in Yangon to belatedly hunt for a man who became a prominent community member despite Lai Lai’s alleged rape.

“I was very shocked and told my mother he was the runaway who raped me,” said Lai Lai, who works in an industrial zone in East Dagon Myothit Township. His house was found to be close to her mother’s, where Lai Lai was staying with her child.

(Ma Lai Lai is not the woman’s real name. Her identity has been protected.)

Lai Lai recalled the night of 3 November 2011. Angry with her mother, she had run from home at 10 pm and jumped in a sidecar, or trishaw, to visit her boyfriend across the Pazundaung Creek in Thingangyun Township. On nearing Shwe Yi bus stop on Than Thu Mar Road, five men threatened the sidecar driver and forced Lai Lai into a car.

Something suspected to be a knife was held to her back as they drove to Aye Hostel in South Okkalapa Township, where Yan Naing Soe raped her, she said.

Lai Lai filed a case at Thingangyun Township police station the next day, but only four of the five men were formally charged. Of these, one was eventually acquitted due to lack of evidence; the other three were each sentenced to two years in prison for assisting the rape. The actual rapist remained at large.

Lai Lai got married a year later and moved in with her husband in East Dagon Myothit. She didn’t tell her husband about the rape, but when he found out about it, soon after she’d given birth to their first child, he left them both.

Lai Lai hadn’t graduated from school and struggled to find a job that would sustain her and her son, so she returned to her mother’s house.

A “good reputation”

After seeing Yan Naing Soe pass on the road, the 21-year-old Lai Lai conferred with her mother, who told her he was the hardline administrator of the local ward.

But Lai Lai and her mother held back from telling others right away. “We were afraid for our lives,” Lai Lai said, given the man’s power locally and the ease with which his associates could find and attack them.

When Myanmar Now travelled with Lai Lai to a safer location to interview her, a car with a black license plate followed for about half an hour.

According to police records, Yan Naing Soe, also known as “Kayin” or “FRC”, is now 38 years old and formerly lived in Nga Moe Yeik ward in Thingangyun Township.

Most locals refer to him by the nickname “Kayin,” after the Karen (or Kayin) ethnic group, though he is recorded as being “Bamar” in his official documents.

Yan Naing Soe, though ostensibly wanted by police, was elected ward administrator last year and held the position till he absconded on 4 June, as news of his link to the 2011 rape began to spread online.

He had moved with his wife and child to Ward 140 in late 2014, according to U Toe, the former ward administrator. Before becoming administrator himself, Yan Naing Soe made a name for himself as a local 100-household leader. Though a “quiet man,” Yan Naing Soe took an active part in the community and was “ruthless” in dealing with “bad men.”

“If the outlaws didn’t heed our warnings, Kayin would beat them up without me having to ask. Sometimes, I even had to stop Kayin. A man like him is useful in an administrative position. Since the outlaws knew what a fighter Kayin was, they didn’t dare try anything,” Toe said.

A resident of Ward 140, who asked not to be named, said there were fewer criminals around since Yan Naing Soe took over as ward administrator.

Locals told Myanmar Now they hadn’t seen Yan Naing Soe since the beginning of June. They refused to say more about his supposed whereabouts out of fear of his associates, who still live in the ward. Some expressed surprise that a ward administrator with a “good reputation” should be wanted for rape.

“I don’t know his background but he speaks politely and is very active in the community,” said one resident who asked not to be named.

Yan Naing Soe’s wife and child are still living in his house despite his absence.

As news spread and police began to circulate “wanted” pictures, a press conference was held on 9 June, where Yan Naing Soe’s aunt Daw Thein Thein Htike said he had merely gone off to serve as a monk for a while and would return afterwards to clear his name.

She said Yan Naing Soe was innocent of the rape, which was instead committed by friends of his. “They are just accusing him,” she said of the recent reports. “We are now discussing with lawyers. He is not on the run. He submitted an official leave notice to the township office in order to become a monk.”

She added that, after the 2011 incident, she received neither a police visit nor a court letter at the house she was then sharing with Yan Naing Soe.

Nonetheless, she confirmed that the man in a photograph now on the Myanmar Police’s website is her nephew.

Since May, Yan Naing Soe has called Lai Lai several times from an unknown location, promising to divorce his wife and marry Lai Lai.

Lessons to be learnt

The police website now cites Yan Naing Soe as a fugitive wanted for rape, and lists his particulars. But locals say this move is highly belated.

A former 100-household leader recalled that, several years before, a police officer had shown him a warrant for the arrest of Yan Naing Soe.

A local man, who asked not to be named, said he phoned South Dagon Myothit Township police station three times earlier this year to inform them about Yan Naing Soe but observed no follow-up. He showed Myanmar Now his call log.

“He will be acquitted if he is innocent,” the main said. “But, he is a wanted man, and the police are responsible for a wanted man becoming an administrator.”

However, the police now appear to be mounting a wide search, seemingly in response to news spreading on Facebook.

Thingangyun Township Police Captain Ko Ko Oo said in late May that the district office had sent notices with Yan Naing Soe’s photograph to police stations across the country, with orders for his arrest.

“A friend from the district police told me to check news on Facebook about a man wanted in a rape case filed at my police station. I checked and this was correct,” he said.

He said he sent a subordinate to Yan Naing Soe’s house but he was gone. “The Facebook news was posted two days before, so it gave the man time to escape,” he said.

Captain Ko Ko Oo admitted police had not done background checks on those vying for ward administrator positions last year, though this had been done in previous years.

He said there were lessons to be learnt and encouraged people to cooperate closely with police to “uphold the rule of law.” He said citizens were welcome to submit complaints to higher levels of the police if officers failed to perform their duty.

U Thein Naing, who represents South Dagon Myothit in the Yangon Region Parliament, said local police had told him they were trying to arrest the fugitive.

Lai Lai, meanwhile, has moved out of the neighbourhood for her own safety, but said she would not feel secure till Yan Naing Soe is caught.

“I can continue with my life once he is arrested,” she said. “I moved out from the ward because I am afraid of him but I am constantly worried that [he and his associates] could follow me to my new place, break into my house and attack me.”

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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