Former NLD insider sees poor prospects for peace without a new constitution

Dr. Tin Mar Aung, an ex-aide to Aung San Suu Kyi, discusses her bid for a seat in the Rakhine state parliament and her hopes for an end to conflict in her home state

Dr. Tin Mar Aung is running for a seat in the Rakine state parliament as a member of the Arakan League for Democracy, a party founded by her father (Dr. Tin Mar Aung/Facebook)

Dr. Tin Mar Aung hasn’t always made her troubled home state of Rakhine the focus of her political attention. As assistant to National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi from 2011 to 2016, she has also had to attend to matters affecting the rest of the country. But in this year’s election, she is running as a candidate for a party that puts Rakhine affairs front and center—the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD).

In her bid to represent Taungup township’s constituency 2 in the Rakhine state parliament, she is up against some stiff competition. The big three—the NLD, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the United Democratic Party (UDP)—are all contesting the southern Rakhine constituency, as are the Arakan National Party (ANP) and an independent candidate. But she’s hoping that her outlook as someone who was once close to Myanmar’s center of power and her commitment to meeting the needs of her state will prove to be a winning combination.

She spoke to Myanmar Now recently about what she hopes to achieve for the people of Rakhine state, and what she thinks the country as a whole will need to do to end its decades of conflict.

Can you tell us why you decided to run in this year’s election?   

 

 

I have been working for the development of Rakhine state through the Dr. Saw Mya Aung Foundation, but I’ve found that this hasn’t been quite as effective as it should be. And we’re seeing the Rakhine people suffering in poverty, in an environment that isn’t fair or just for them. So I decided to run to become a state representative so I could work more efficiently within parliament.

And why did you choose to represent the Arakan League for Democracy?

 

 

The ALD was founded by my dear father, Dr. Saw Mya Aung, in 1988. I truly believe in the party’s policies and feel that they align with my own personal beliefs.

As a former aide to Aung San Suu Kyi, were you ever personally offered a chance to work in the government or with the NLD in any capacity?

No, this is not something we ever discussed, even once. Since completing my duties, I have not had any affiliation with the NLD.

What do you think of the way the Aung San Suu Kyi-led government has handled issues related to Muslim people in Rakhine state?

This is an extremely intricate subject. I think it’s difficult to solve a problem that has existed for many years.

Hundreds of people have died as a result of the ongoing conflict between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army. What are your thoughts on this situation?

The people who are suffering these losses are our citizens. This is a loss to our country.

I’m deeply saddened that civilians have died and that families have lost their homes as a result of these conflicts. But I don’t think they will stop as long as there are no negotiations.

How important do you think constitutional reform is to making progress towards peace?

I don’t think there will ever be nationwide peace until we have a just constitution. That’s why I think a better, faster approach would be to adopt a new constitution, rather than just amending the existing 2008 constitution.

After the last election in 2015, the NLD was able to form a government for the first time. How would you assess their performance since then?

Now that they have ruled almost a full five years, we can say that they are still having difficulties dealing with the issues of peace and the rule of law.

Now that you have entered politics, what do you hope to achieve?

I decided to enter politics because I want to work more effectively to promote Rakhine state’s development. I want to work for a better Rakhine. The most important thing is to do your duty as well as you possibly can. If you fail to do so, then you haven’t fulfilled your responsibilities.

Under article 261 of the 2008 constitution, the president directly appoints chief ministers to lead the governments of each state and region. Some, however, believe that the state and regional parliaments should be able to choose their own chief ministers. What is your take on this?

As I said before, I think we need to adopt a new constitution instead of reforming the current one. I don’t know if the NLD plans to amend article 261, but I can only hope that they will come up with a better way of doing this, and I think they should lay out their plan on the table for the public to decide.

What have you been doing so far in terms of campaigning?

I believe the only way we can work effectively for the good of the people of Taungup and the people of Rakhine is by making and discussing proposals in parliament. I will prove myself with my actions, so that the voters of Taungup can put their trust in me as their representative. If I am elected, I am determined to work together with other members of parliament to create a better tomorrow in Rakhine, starting from today.

The NLD and the ANP are both very influential in Taungup. What are your thoughts on what is sure to be a tough race?

When I was young and taking part in swimming competitions, I always focused on doing my best right from the starting line, rather than on winning over others. In the same way, I will do my best and contest honestly in this election.

There have been rumors that you have been in negotiations with the NLD since you left your position as personal aide to Aung San Suu Kyi. Is there anything you’d like to say about this?

Everyone is entitled to their own opinions, and everyone is free to believe whatever they want. As I mentioned before, I completed my duty [with the NLD] as promised. After that, I made another promise and worked for more than four years outside of parliament for the development of Rakhine. Now I’m running for a seat in parliament as an ALD candidate because I believe this will be the most effective way for me to continue my work in parliament.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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