Explosive chemicals and fake military contracts: wealthy business owners lose millions of dollars in alleged scam

Thuzar Myint Htun, whose brother was a high-ranking military MP, is on trial for ‘cheating’ friends and others out of over 20 billion kyat.

Thuzar Myint Htun had allegedly scammed her wealthy contacts out of more than 20 billion kyat, roughly $13 million. She was seen at a court hearing in Thingagyun township in Yangon in January this year.

Ohnmar Phyu and her husband Tin Win grew increasingly uneasy as they sat waiting in the lobby of CB Bank’s headquarters in downtown Yangon one February morning last year.

Just days earlier the pair, who own a jewellery business, had given almost six billion kyats, roughly four million US dollars, to help a borrower repay an installment on a loan.

After re-paying the installment, the borrower would then be able to loan more money from the bank, and would use this to pay the couple back with interest.

Or at least that’s what they had been told by the woman who took their money, a friend they had known for 15 years named Thuzar Myint Htun, who claimed to be acting as the broker.

After handing over the money, the couple learned that their friend was facing some financial problems, so they arranged to meet with her and the bank’s loans officer, hoping to be reassured that they would get their money back.

But as the minutes turned into hours it became obvious Thuzar Myint Htun wasn’t going to show.

Eventually, the loans officer arrived with bad news: the bank had no idea about the deal they had made with their friend, and wouldn’t be taking any responsibility for it.

Ohnmar Phyu and Tin Win, it seemed, had been duped, and they weren’t the only ones.

Over the next few days it emerged that Thuzar Myint Htun had allegedly scammed her wealthy contacts out of more than 20 billion kyat, roughly $13 million.

The alleged victims included business people and former civilian and military officials.

But for now Tin Win, a retired customs official, was still hoping that there had been some kind of mistake.

He called Thuzar Myint Htun and put her on the phone to the loans officer to clear things up.

But the loans officer, Soe Soe Thin, gave the phone back almost immediately, explaining that whatever the problem was, it had nothing to do with the bank.

“Just try to settle it with her,” she told the couple.

Tin Win left the bank and headed for Thuzar Myint Htun’s home, a luxury waterfront villa in Yangon’s Thingangyun township.

Ohnmar Phyu waited behind in the lobby, where for the last couple of hours a woman in a bright red blouse had also been waiting, just like them.

A chance meeting at the villa

Thuzar Myint Htun did not appear to be home when Tin Win reached the Mya Yamon Waterfront Villa, a complex beside Pazundaung creek of over 100 homes worth up to 1.2 billion kyats. So he waited.

Not long after Tin Win’s arrival, a car pulled up, and the lady in the red blouse from the bank lobby got out.

Her name was San San Win, and she was also looking for Thuzar Myint Htun after handing her seven billion kyat for a similar deal.

They tried in vain to reach Thuzar Myint Htun by phone. Then a couple of hours later, more people showed up.

This time it was a group of three Shan-Chinese business people, led by a woman named Yan Yone Li, who had invested 900 million kyat into the loan scheme.    

Thuzar Myint Htun never showed, and a few days later Yan Yone Li and San San Win opened a case against her at the local police station.

She was arrested and charged under section 420 of the penal code for cheating, and section 468 for forgery with the intention of cheating.

If found guilty on both charges she faces up to 14 years in prison. Judges have denied her requests for bail.

San San Win, the lady in the red blouse, pressed charges against Thuzar Myint Htun for forging documents in a separate deal.

The Voice, a local news outlet, AS reported in March last year that Thuzar Myint Htun was charged with forging a land ownership document to give the impression she owned a property worth 1.4 billion kyats. San San Win agreed to buy that property from her, and paid 1.3 billion kyats towards the sale.  

She was among nine people who say they lost money to Thuzar Myint Htun in a complaint letter sent to the President’s office in November last year.

The letter does not address the 1.3 billion kyat property deal, and instead focuses on the CB Bank case and another alleged scam involving a fake contract to supply explosive chemicals to the military.

In the letter, San San Win and others wrote that they were “very concerned about corruption in the court and justice system,” adding that they feared Thuzar Myint Htun “might use the money she got dishonestly from us to pay bribes to weaken the case or make it go away.”

The complaint letter was signed by San San Win, Ohnmar Phyu, Ei Myat Sandi, Aye Yadanar Myint, Zay Lat Win, Htet Ko Ko, Yan Yone Li, Aung Myo Htun and Zaw Moe Win.

It is believed that, although they are not named in the letter, family members of top military and civilian officials and even celebrities also lost money in the scheme.   

The Bureau of Special Investigations is still investigating the case, while the military reportedly concluded an internal investigation into parts of Thuzar Myint Htun’s conduct last year.  

‘Forged documents’

Yan Yone Li, who moved to Yangon from Lashio 10 years ago, was introduced to Thuzar Myint Htun by a friend in early 2018.

Not long after, Thuzar Myint Htun offered her the opportunity to make a quick three percent profit on a loan of nine billion kyat.

She showed Yan Yone Li letters from CB Bank which confirmed the loan had been made and that the bank was demanding the borrower repay 30 percent of the principle.

Yan Yone Li sent over the money, but when she tried a few days later to cash the cheque to reclaim it, the bank said the chequing account had nothing in it.  

A CB Bank spokesperson told Myanmar Now that the letters Thuzar Myint Htun showed to Yan Yone Li were fake.

In their letter to the president, the alleged victims of the CB Bank loan scam claimed that the bank itself was complicit.

Yan Yone Li and San San Win said they gave Thuzar Myint Htun their money only after getting approval from the loans officer at CB Bank.

Soe Soe Thin, CB bank’s loans officer, strongly denied this.

All she did was to confirm that the bank does indeed offer loans and that Thuzar Myint Htun was one of their customers, she told Myanmar Now.

She did not sanction any deal that involved lending money to a borrower to help them repay a portion of their loan, she said, but merely explained what was written in leaflets that the bank gives to loan applicants.

“I only answered their questions according to the bank’s rules and regulations. They are just trying to include the bank in the scandal [to try to get back the] money they lost,” Soe Soe Thin said.

CB Bank’s chief compliance officer, U Oo Thein Myint, said the Bureau of Special Investigations, the military, the police and the Criminal Investigation Department had all questioned the bank and concluded that it did nothing wrong.  

Explosive chemicals

In late 2017 Khine Sandar Lwin, a wealthy businesswoman with interests in gems and property, met with Thuzar Myint Htun at a restaurant to discuss a deal to import batches of an explosive chemical for the military.

Thuzar Myint Htun brought along her brother, a lieutenant colonel named Maung Bo who at the time was serving as a military MP, as well as a representative from a Taiwanese chemicals supplier.

Thuzar Myint Htun said that the military was calling for tenders to supply it with ammonium nitrate and that Zay Man Taing, a company for which she was on the board of directors, had a good chance of winning the contract.

Khine Sandar Lwin’s role would be to bankroll the purchase of the chemicals, and in return she would get the money back with interest.

Like others who said they were cheated, she had successfully done business with Thuzar Myint Htun in the past. And the presence of a senior military official at the meeting made her even more confident about the deal, she told Myanmar Now.

When she heard Zay Man Taing had won the contract, she sent 1.3 billion kyat to the company’s account. But then Thuzar Myint Htun asked for more money.

This time it was 2.1 billion, which she said was needed urgently to pay a deposit to the office of the commander-in-chief to secure the contract.

Thuzar Myint Htun would be able to pay her back for this second sum in just a couple of days, she said. But when Khine Sandar Lwin took her cheque to the bank, she was told, like Yan Yone Li, that the chequing account had no money in it.

Growing angry, she called Thuzar Myint Htun to her house and demanded the money back. But thuzar Myint Htun responded that she didn’t have it.

Instead, she signed an agreement saying she would pay it back in six months.

Then she left Khine Sandar Lwin’s house in such a hurry that she forgot to bring her phone with her. A few days later, it started ringing.

When Khine Sandar Lwin answered, she discovered she was not the only one who had sunk money into the ammonium nitrate scheme.

The man on the end of the phone was Aung Myo Tun, a former naval officer and a longtime friend of Thuzar Myint Htun.

He had sent her eight billion kyat, a sum that included money from his family and colleagues at the Myanmar Economic Bank in Lashio, where he works as an assistant manager.  

Like Khine Sandar Lwin, he had trusted Thuzar Myint Htun because he had made reliable profits on his previous investments with her. What’s more, he and her brother Maung Bo attended military training school together.

But after the chance phone call Aung Myo Tun knew something was wrong, so he sent a letter to the commander-in-chief, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, to ask if the contract for ammonium nitrite did indeed exist.

“The senior general read the letter on Monday, and gave orders on Tuesday,” Aung Myo Tun said.

Military investigation

After receiving his letter, the military launched an internal investigation headed by a brigadier general, he added. Months later, high-ranking officials told him that Thuzar Myint Htun’s story about the call for tender was false, he said.

The military said it had no plans to take legal action but that its officers would appear in court as witnesses if the complainants wished to press charges.

Military investigators also said that lieutenant colonel Maung Bo was transferred to another position because he acted outside of his authority, according to Khine Sandar Lwin’s daughter, Ei Myat Sandi.

But the investigators stressed to her that he was not involved in any scam, she said.

It is unclear if Maung Bo is still serving in the military or was transferred to a civilian position. Myanmar Now was unable to reach him for comment.

Maung Bo was removed from his position as a military MP on May 15, 2018. No reason was given for his replacement, as is standard military practice, but Aung Myo Tun speculated that it was a result of his complaint.

“I would have complained to the speaker of the pyithu hluttaw if the military hadn’t investigated,” he said.

Brigadier General Zaw Min Tun of the military’s True News Information Team said he was not aware of the scandal when contacted by Myanmar Now.

At a court hearing in Thingangyun township in January, Thuzar Myint Htun was briskly escorted in handcuffs from a small room with wire caged windows to the courtroom.

The hearing lasted less than 10 minutes, and Myanmar Now was unable to get comment from the defendant or her lawyer as she was whisked away.

After the hearing she was sent back to Insein prison, a far cry from the waterfront villa where she used to enjoy her wealth.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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