Election 2020: Ban on voting inside barracks boosts NLD hopes of retaking troubled Meiktila

With nationalists on the back foot and observers allowed access to military polling booths, the NLD’s odds have improved since 2015 upset

Published on Aug 28, 2020
Members of the NLD at their party office in Meiktila before the 2015 election (Photo- Soe Zayar Tun/ Reuters)
Members of the NLD at their party office in Meiktila before the 2015 election (Photo- Soe Zayar Tun/ Reuters)

As the results rolled in after Myanmar’s historic 2015 election, the country’s central lowlands turned into a sea of red; the National League for Democracy (NLD) had swept the Bamar-dominated regions with almost no resistance. 

There was a notable outlier though: the town of Meiktila, where the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) candidate, Dr Maung Thin, picked up two thirds of the 150,000 votes to deal a humiliating blow to the NLD’s Dr Win Soe Oo. 

“We enjoyed an overwhelming victory,” Maung Thin told Myanmar Now with a chuckle during a phone interview earlier this month.

In total, the USDP took three of the four national parliamentary seats up for grabs in Meiktila and the surrounding area. 

 

 

NLD stalwart Win Htein, who hails from Meiktila and served on the party’s Central Election Campaign Committee in 2015, later wrote that he was “crushed” by the defeat in his hometown even as the party enjoyed a national landslide. 

The reason for this upset remains a matter of debate. Some note that the district is home to several military barracks, and suspect the fact that soldiers cast their votes without observers present skewed the results in favour of the military-backed USDP.

 

 

Others believe a surge of nationalism following anti-Muslim riots that killed dozens in the town in 2013 played a role. There were even rumours ahead of the vote that an NLD win would lead to more violence.

For Win Htein, though, the answer was much simpler. “When I mulled over the reason for our defeat, I came to the conclusion that their campaigns were well planned. President Thein Sein visited Meiktila three times during the campaign period,” he wrote in his 2018 book, The Life Cycle. 

Five years later, the NLD has used its time in government to ban voting within barracks and deal several blows against the Buddhist nationalist movement that has worked to undermine the party.  

When Myanmar goes to the polls again in November, the NLD stands to lose at least some ground to the opposition parties it so effortlessly defeated last time. 

An NLD win in Meiktila will be a sign the party can still capitalise on the goodwill it won through decades fighting the junta, despite five years in power that have been marked by a failure to amend the constitution as promised, to rein in the military’s wars in ethnic areas, or to scrap numerous oppressive laws.

If the USDP holds Meiktila it will bolster hopes that it can establish itself as a meaningful opposition party after being almost wiped out in 2015, especially if it also makes gains elsewhere. 

Key figures from both parties expect to see large amounts of energy and resources poured into the area during the campaign. 

New rules for soldiers 

This year military personnel will have to vote outside of their barracks for the first time. In 2015 election observers were unable to enter military polling stations and voter lists were kept secret, fuelling suspicions of cheating.

Win Soe Oo believes he lost the race for the Lower House seat partly because the 15,000 service personnel living in barracks in the constituency were all pressured into voting for his USDP opponent.  

“The battalion commanders were under pressure. One or two votes for red would have landed them in hot water. We didn’t get a single vote because they were forced not to vote for us,” Win Soe Oo said. 

Myanmar Now was unable to confirm Win Soe Oo’s claim because the vote counts from inside barracks were not made public. 

This year, 23 polling stations for military personnel in Meiktila will be set up outside of barracks, where it is hoped election observers will have free access. 

But Win Soe Oo still fears soldiers will be under pressure from superiors. “The question is whether they are allowed to vote freely,” he said.

Zaw Zaw Aung, secretary of the NLD’s Meiktila branch, said he believed non-Army members of the military quietly favoured the NLD and would vote for them if they felt they could do so freely.  

“I don’t guarantee the infantry will vote for the NLD but NLD will win most of the votes from the rest of the military if they are allowed to vote freely at polling booths outside military barracks,” he said. 

Win Soe Oo said NLD candidates were defeated in 2015 election because of advance votes, military votes and, he alleged, double voting, which some suspect soldiers whose barracks are in a different constituency than their hometown are able to do. 

He alleged that Maung Thin defeated him partly because soldiers double voted. Myanmar Now was unable to verify the claim. 

Maung Thin denied the claim, saying he defeated Win Soe Oo not because of the military and advance-registered voters, but because of strong support for the USDP among the general population in Meiktila.

“I only got slightly more than 9000 votes from the military at the time,” Maung Thin said. “So, I dare say my victory was not because of the military votes.”

Meiktila district election commission secretary, Myo Min Htike, said his office was working to get an accurate list of military voters ahead of the November 8 vote. 

He advised military personnel to vote in person at a polling station, rather than in advance, to ensure a free and fair election. 

“It is more reassuring to vote personally at the nearest polling station,” he said. “There can be some hindrance if they have to wait for the advance voting ballots we send,” Myo Min Htike said.

Hardline Buddhists on the back foot 

Another change working in the NLD’s favour is the fact a hardcore Buddhist nationalist movement that worked against them in 2015 appears to have been weakened in recent years. 

Unlike last time, there are no members of Ma Ba Tha active in the area agitating against the NLD, local residents told Myanmar Now. The government officially abolished the group in 2017, although its members have sought to continue their activities under a new name.  

And one of the movement’s key leaders, U Wirathu, is now a fugitive after the government hit him with a charge of sedition last year for a speech he gave attacking State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.  

But USDP candidates still hope to tap nationalist sentiments to turn people against the ruling party. 

“Voters need to consider which party can better safeguard our three national causes - race, culture and religion,” said Maung Thin, who is running again to defend his Lower House seat. 

Dr Sint Soe, who is also a former university rector, will compete for the NLD this year to unseat Maung Thin. He said he will target rural voters, noting that the constituency includes 380 villages. 

While in government the NLD has improved transportation and access to electricity in rural areas, he said. “We hope for the kind of support we didn’t receive in 2015 from village voters,” he said.

While Zaw Zaw Aung, the NLD secretary for Meiktila, said he is more satisfied with this year’s candidates than those in 2015, he thinks the USDP incumbents still have the upper hand. 

“USDP candidates can campaign personally in the region and can use the local development funds because they are the current MPs,” Zaw Zaw Aung said. 

“The competition will be fierce. It will be a do-or-die battle for us,” he said.

Phyo Thiha Cho is Senior Reporter with Myanmar Now.

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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