Election 2020: Ban on voting inside barracks boosts NLD hopes of retaking troubled Meiktila

With nationalists on the back foot and observers allowed access to military polling booths, the NLD’s odds have improved since 2015 upset

Members of the NLD at their party office in Meiktila before the 2015 election (Photo- Soe Zayar Tun/ Reuters)

As the results rolled in after Myanmar’s historic 2015 election, the country’s central lowlands turned into a sea of red; the National League for Democracy (NLD) had swept the Bamar-dominated regions with almost no resistance. 

There was a notable outlier though: the town of Meiktila, where the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) candidate, Dr Maung Thin, picked up two thirds of the 150,000 votes to deal a humiliating blow to the NLD’s Dr Win Soe Oo. 

“We enjoyed an overwhelming victory,” Maung Thin told Myanmar Now with a chuckle during a phone interview earlier this month.

In total, the USDP took three of the four national parliamentary seats up for grabs in Meiktila and the surrounding area. 

 

 

NLD stalwart Win Htein, who hails from Meiktila and served on the party’s Central Election Campaign Committee in 2015, later wrote that he was “crushed” by the defeat in his hometown even as the party enjoyed a national landslide. 

The reason for this upset remains a matter of debate. Some note that the district is home to several military barracks, and suspect the fact that soldiers cast their votes without observers present skewed the results in favour of the military-backed USDP.

 

 

Others believe a surge of nationalism following anti-Muslim riots that killed dozens in the town in 2013 played a role. There were even rumours ahead of the vote that an NLD win would lead to more violence.

For Win Htein, though, the answer was much simpler. “When I mulled over the reason for our defeat, I came to the conclusion that their campaigns were well planned. President Thein Sein visited Meiktila three times during the campaign period,” he wrote in his 2018 book, The Life Cycle. 

Five years later, the NLD has used its time in government to ban voting within barracks and deal several blows against the Buddhist nationalist movement that has worked to undermine the party.  

When Myanmar goes to the polls again in November, the NLD stands to lose at least some ground to the opposition parties it so effortlessly defeated last time. 

An NLD win in Meiktila will be a sign the party can still capitalise on the goodwill it won through decades fighting the junta, despite five years in power that have been marked by a failure to amend the constitution as promised, to rein in the military’s wars in ethnic areas, or to scrap numerous oppressive laws.

If the USDP holds Meiktila it will bolster hopes that it can establish itself as a meaningful opposition party after being almost wiped out in 2015, especially if it also makes gains elsewhere. 

Key figures from both parties expect to see large amounts of energy and resources poured into the area during the campaign. 

New rules for soldiers 

This year military personnel will have to vote outside of their barracks for the first time. In 2015 election observers were unable to enter military polling stations and voter lists were kept secret, fuelling suspicions of cheating.

Win Soe Oo believes he lost the race for the Lower House seat partly because the 15,000 service personnel living in barracks in the constituency were all pressured into voting for his USDP opponent.  

“The battalion commanders were under pressure. One or two votes for red would have landed them in hot water. We didn’t get a single vote because they were forced not to vote for us,” Win Soe Oo said. 

Myanmar Now was unable to confirm Win Soe Oo’s claim because the vote counts from inside barracks were not made public. 

This year, 23 polling stations for military personnel in Meiktila will be set up outside of barracks, where it is hoped election observers will have free access. 

But Win Soe Oo still fears soldiers will be under pressure from superiors. “The question is whether they are allowed to vote freely,” he said.

Zaw Zaw Aung, secretary of the NLD’s Meiktila branch, said he believed non-Army members of the military quietly favoured the NLD and would vote for them if they felt they could do so freely.  

“I don’t guarantee the infantry will vote for the NLD but NLD will win most of the votes from the rest of the military if they are allowed to vote freely at polling booths outside military barracks,” he said. 

Win Soe Oo said NLD candidates were defeated in 2015 election because of advance votes, military votes and, he alleged, double voting, which some suspect soldiers whose barracks are in a different constituency than their hometown are able to do. 

He alleged that Maung Thin defeated him partly because soldiers double voted. Myanmar Now was unable to verify the claim. 

Maung Thin denied the claim, saying he defeated Win Soe Oo not because of the military and advance-registered voters, but because of strong support for the USDP among the general population in Meiktila.

“I only got slightly more than 9000 votes from the military at the time,” Maung Thin said. “So, I dare say my victory was not because of the military votes.”

Meiktila district election commission secretary, Myo Min Htike, said his office was working to get an accurate list of military voters ahead of the November 8 vote. 

He advised military personnel to vote in person at a polling station, rather than in advance, to ensure a free and fair election. 

“It is more reassuring to vote personally at the nearest polling station,” he said. “There can be some hindrance if they have to wait for the advance voting ballots we send,” Myo Min Htike said.

Hardline Buddhists on the back foot 

Another change working in the NLD’s favour is the fact a hardcore Buddhist nationalist movement that worked against them in 2015 appears to have been weakened in recent years. 

Unlike last time, there are no members of Ma Ba Tha active in the area agitating against the NLD, local residents told Myanmar Now. The government officially abolished the group in 2017, although its members have sought to continue their activities under a new name.  

And one of the movement’s key leaders, U Wirathu, is now a fugitive after the government hit him with a charge of sedition last year for a speech he gave attacking State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.  

But USDP candidates still hope to tap nationalist sentiments to turn people against the ruling party. 

“Voters need to consider which party can better safeguard our three national causes - race, culture and religion,” said Maung Thin, who is running again to defend his Lower House seat. 

Dr Sint Soe, who is also a former university rector, will compete for the NLD this year to unseat Maung Thin. He said he will target rural voters, noting that the constituency includes 380 villages. 

While in government the NLD has improved transportation and access to electricity in rural areas, he said. “We hope for the kind of support we didn’t receive in 2015 from village voters,” he said.

While Zaw Zaw Aung, the NLD secretary for Meiktila, said he is more satisfied with this year’s candidates than those in 2015, he thinks the USDP incumbents still have the upper hand. 

“USDP candidates can campaign personally in the region and can use the local development funds because they are the current MPs,” Zaw Zaw Aung said. 

“The competition will be fierce. It will be a do-or-die battle for us,” he said.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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