Election 2020: Ban on voting inside barracks boosts NLD hopes of retaking troubled Meiktila

With nationalists on the back foot and observers allowed access to military polling booths, the NLD’s odds have improved since 2015 upset

Members of the NLD at their party office in Meiktila before the 2015 election (Photo- Soe Zayar Tun/ Reuters)

As the results rolled in after Myanmar’s historic 2015 election, the country’s central lowlands turned into a sea of red; the National League for Democracy (NLD) had swept the Bamar-dominated regions with almost no resistance. 

There was a notable outlier though: the town of Meiktila, where the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) candidate, Dr Maung Thin, picked up two thirds of the 150,000 votes to deal a humiliating blow to the NLD’s Dr Win Soe Oo. 

“We enjoyed an overwhelming victory,” Maung Thin told Myanmar Now with a chuckle during a phone interview earlier this month.

In total, the USDP took three of the four national parliamentary seats up for grabs in Meiktila and the surrounding area. 

 

 

NLD stalwart Win Htein, who hails from Meiktila and served on the party’s Central Election Campaign Committee in 2015, later wrote that he was “crushed” by the defeat in his hometown even as the party enjoyed a national landslide. 

The reason for this upset remains a matter of debate. Some note that the district is home to several military barracks, and suspect the fact that soldiers cast their votes without observers present skewed the results in favour of the military-backed USDP.

 

 

Others believe a surge of nationalism following anti-Muslim riots that killed dozens in the town in 2013 played a role. There were even rumours ahead of the vote that an NLD win would lead to more violence.

For Win Htein, though, the answer was much simpler. “When I mulled over the reason for our defeat, I came to the conclusion that their campaigns were well planned. President Thein Sein visited Meiktila three times during the campaign period,” he wrote in his 2018 book, The Life Cycle. 

Five years later, the NLD has used its time in government to ban voting within barracks and deal several blows against the Buddhist nationalist movement that has worked to undermine the party.  

When Myanmar goes to the polls again in November, the NLD stands to lose at least some ground to the opposition parties it so effortlessly defeated last time. 

An NLD win in Meiktila will be a sign the party can still capitalise on the goodwill it won through decades fighting the junta, despite five years in power that have been marked by a failure to amend the constitution as promised, to rein in the military’s wars in ethnic areas, or to scrap numerous oppressive laws.

If the USDP holds Meiktila it will bolster hopes that it can establish itself as a meaningful opposition party after being almost wiped out in 2015, especially if it also makes gains elsewhere. 

Key figures from both parties expect to see large amounts of energy and resources poured into the area during the campaign. 

New rules for soldiers 

This year military personnel will have to vote outside of their barracks for the first time. In 2015 election observers were unable to enter military polling stations and voter lists were kept secret, fuelling suspicions of cheating.

Win Soe Oo believes he lost the race for the Lower House seat partly because the 15,000 service personnel living in barracks in the constituency were all pressured into voting for his USDP opponent.  

“The battalion commanders were under pressure. One or two votes for red would have landed them in hot water. We didn’t get a single vote because they were forced not to vote for us,” Win Soe Oo said. 

Myanmar Now was unable to confirm Win Soe Oo’s claim because the vote counts from inside barracks were not made public. 

This year, 23 polling stations for military personnel in Meiktila will be set up outside of barracks, where it is hoped election observers will have free access. 

But Win Soe Oo still fears soldiers will be under pressure from superiors. “The question is whether they are allowed to vote freely,” he said.

Zaw Zaw Aung, secretary of the NLD’s Meiktila branch, said he believed non-Army members of the military quietly favoured the NLD and would vote for them if they felt they could do so freely.  

“I don’t guarantee the infantry will vote for the NLD but NLD will win most of the votes from the rest of the military if they are allowed to vote freely at polling booths outside military barracks,” he said. 

Win Soe Oo said NLD candidates were defeated in 2015 election because of advance votes, military votes and, he alleged, double voting, which some suspect soldiers whose barracks are in a different constituency than their hometown are able to do. 

He alleged that Maung Thin defeated him partly because soldiers double voted. Myanmar Now was unable to verify the claim. 

Maung Thin denied the claim, saying he defeated Win Soe Oo not because of the military and advance-registered voters, but because of strong support for the USDP among the general population in Meiktila.

“I only got slightly more than 9000 votes from the military at the time,” Maung Thin said. “So, I dare say my victory was not because of the military votes.”

Meiktila district election commission secretary, Myo Min Htike, said his office was working to get an accurate list of military voters ahead of the November 8 vote. 

He advised military personnel to vote in person at a polling station, rather than in advance, to ensure a free and fair election. 

“It is more reassuring to vote personally at the nearest polling station,” he said. “There can be some hindrance if they have to wait for the advance voting ballots we send,” Myo Min Htike said.

Hardline Buddhists on the back foot 

Another change working in the NLD’s favour is the fact a hardcore Buddhist nationalist movement that worked against them in 2015 appears to have been weakened in recent years. 

Unlike last time, there are no members of Ma Ba Tha active in the area agitating against the NLD, local residents told Myanmar Now. The government officially abolished the group in 2017, although its members have sought to continue their activities under a new name.  

And one of the movement’s key leaders, U Wirathu, is now a fugitive after the government hit him with a charge of sedition last year for a speech he gave attacking State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.  

But USDP candidates still hope to tap nationalist sentiments to turn people against the ruling party. 

“Voters need to consider which party can better safeguard our three national causes - race, culture and religion,” said Maung Thin, who is running again to defend his Lower House seat. 

Dr Sint Soe, who is also a former university rector, will compete for the NLD this year to unseat Maung Thin. He said he will target rural voters, noting that the constituency includes 380 villages. 

While in government the NLD has improved transportation and access to electricity in rural areas, he said. “We hope for the kind of support we didn’t receive in 2015 from village voters,” he said.

While Zaw Zaw Aung, the NLD secretary for Meiktila, said he is more satisfied with this year’s candidates than those in 2015, he thinks the USDP incumbents still have the upper hand. 

“USDP candidates can campaign personally in the region and can use the local development funds because they are the current MPs,” Zaw Zaw Aung said. 

“The competition will be fierce. It will be a do-or-die battle for us,” he said.

The father of a 19-year-old slain in an Ayeyarwady Region shootout with the junta’s troops speaks about the informant tipoff that changed the fate of his village

Published on Jun 7, 2021
Two of the four Hlay Swel villagers arrested by the military council, pictured in a photo released by the regime authorities

Three villagers were killed in a shootout between local resistance forces and the junta’s armed forces on Saturday in Hlay Swel village in Ayeyarwady Region’s Kyonpyaw Township. A man whose 19-year-old son was among those killed in the clash spoke with Myanmar Now about his loss, and about the violence that has enveloped his community and forced its residents into hiding.

Myanmar Now: What was the main cause of the shootout in the village?

Villager: The military raided the village at 4:00 in the morning and searched the homes one by one. Some of us fled and avoided them, and they arrested two of our villagers. Usually, when they make arrests, we have kids on watch duty who hide once they see them come in. But in the morning, after they had arrested the two villagers and then left, our group just came together for a quick chat about the situation. We were surrounded by them because the informants snitched on us. They told us to not run, but some of us ran and some of us just gave in.

This started the shootout, but we don’t really have good weapons. We only have slingshots and air guns, so we just used those. We were surrounded by six men on three bikes. Then reinforcements came to corner us and we couldn’t hold on, so we backed down and there were some casualties. They chased us and we ran. Now we’re in hiding, entire families and the entire village. Only the informants are left in the village.

MN: We have been told that the main reason the troops came into the village was because they were tipped off by an informant. Is this true?

V: We have a driver in our village who sends bananas to Yangon. An informant told the military that his truck was carrying weapons and they searched his truck. But he’s an honest man, and he is the face of our village. He has always remained neutral—there’s no red or green for him. [Editor’s note: Red is the color of the ousted National League for Democracy, and green is the color of the military and its party affiliates] He does great work for the good of our village. So when a man like that was arrested, we got angry. He was taken for no reason. Do they not have brains? Do they believe anything an informant says? They have to make sure it’s confirmed. They searched everywhere and couldn’t find anything. And they still arrested him. So yeah, we were mad. And that led to this.

MN: How many villagers were killed in the shootout?

V: A father and his son. And my son. Three villagers in total were killed. Two others were injured. They were hurt when the reinforcements came. There was also another person who was shot yesterday while he was on his bike. He was just a passerby. So a total of four then, I’d say.

MN: What is being done with the bodies?

V: All the bodies were taken to the township hospital in an ambulance. They were kept in the morgue and released this morning. We were asked to sign some documents. The bodies were cremated at the cemetery. There’s no way for us to go there, if we do, we’d get arrested. We can’t even offer alms for the sake of our children.

MN: We were told that they used excessive force when they raided the village. Can you speak on that?

V: We can’t really give an estimate on the number of reinforcements that came in later—at first it was just six. And then there could have been a lot of manpower when the reinforcements came, because it was like a shower of bullets. We don’t have any good weapons, but we took action because we had to. They were just shooting at everything they saw like it was a military operation.

MN: How is the situation with regards to villagers who fled? What is their situation like right now?

V: When it happened, all the villagers went into hiding. There are about 200 homes in the village—no one dared to go home. Other nearby villages are now housing us. But it’s monsoon season, so the accommodation [in hiding] is not going to be okay.

MN: Is the military still in the village?

V: Yes. They’ve set up camp somewhere near the village. We would like to go back but we’re currently in hiding.

MN: What would make it easier for villagers to return home?

V: Even if we asked for help, who’s going to come and help us? If only they left, we could go back to our homes. If the informants keep snitching and they keep coming, it’s just going to be a vicious cycle.

MN: Is there anything else you’d like to say?

V: We are fighting against them because we condemn the dictatorship. I would just like to say this to the informants: if you can’t make your village better, that’s fine. Just don’t ruin it.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Four abductees—including a 17-year-old boy—were beaten, tied up, and forced by the Myanmar military to stand between them and local resistance during a clash

Published on Jun 7, 2021
A civilian who escaped after being abducted by the military council in Moebye is seen with bruises from his hands being tied (Supplied)

The military council used four abductees—including a teenager—as human shields during a clash in Moebye, southern Shan State on Friday, family members and neighbours of an escaped detainee confirmed.

The junta’s armed forces broke into a church in the Pwe Kone third ward of Moebye that afternoon before a battle broke out with the local civilian defence force, abducting three men and a 17-year-old boy who had remained in the church on security duty. The detainees were then reportedly used as human shields during the fighting.

“They beat them up. They forced a 17-year-old to wear a bag that held a bomb and threatened to shoot him if he ran away. The kid and my father were used as human shields in the front, but not the other two,” the son of the man who escaped told Myanmar Now.

Other sources told Myanmar Now that by later that night, all four had been forced to act as human shields. 

When the clash started on Friday evening, the faces of the abductees were covered with longyis to block their sense of sight and prevent them from running away, as they were placed near the frontline. Later, their hands were tied, and they were forced by the junta’s armed forces to stand near the area’s railroad between the fighting groups, locals said.

A neighbour of the escaped abductee recalled that the Moebye People’s Defence Force (MBPDF) was stationed at one end of a road near the area’s railroad, with the junta’s armed forces opposite them. 

“The abductees were left standing in pairs with their hands tied. And a teenager was forced to carry a bag with a bomb inside,” he told Myanmar Now.

It was while he was forced to stand in the road that one 43-year-old detainee escaped. 

“He escaped at night and hid inside a home and came to us in the morning,” another neighbour said, adding that he had been visibly injured by the abuse inflicted by the regime soldiers. 

“There are bruises on his hands from being tied with ropes. He can’t even eat. He was kicked in the back so many times. He was kicked in the head and teeth as well. His left eye is all swollen,” the neighbour said.

It is still believed that the teenager and two other men—aged 53 and 56—are being held by the troops. 

At least four regime soldiers were killed during the clash with the MBPDF, and local homes were destroyed when the military opened fire on the local resistance with artillery, the MPDF announced, adding that locals in the area were also placed under arrest. 

Myanmar Now has not been able to confirm these, as well as reports that the clashes intensified over the weekend. 

The Progressive Karenni People’s Force (PKPF) announced that some 40 locals and members of defence groups had been killed by the military council as of June 3 in Kayah State, which is just south of Moebye.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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It is women—teachers, factory workers, nurses, lawyers—who are again guiding people out of the darkness of military rule, Esther Wah writes

Published on Jun 7, 2021
A demonstrator holds a placard supporting the civil disobedience movement (CDM) during a protest against the military coup while riot police advance on a street as tensions rise in Yangon on February 26 (EPA-EFE)

Women across Myanmar have long taken leading roles protecting their villages, land, and forests. We continue to be marginalised, perceived as weak or incapable, but it is women who for generations have courageously led communities through periods of adversity.

The military coup on February 1 crushed the hopes and futures of people throughout the country, and we began a descent back into the nightmare of complete army control. It is hard to find the words to describe the pain we continue to suffer under the military’s domination.

But yet again we see women—teachers, garment factory workers, nurses, lawyers—leading the grassroots movement against the junta, standing at the forefront of demonstrations, organising communities, providing support and care for villages and neighbourhoods.

It is women who are again guiding people out of the darkness.

We have no choice. We know that authoritarian military patriarchal rule has grave implications for women throughout the country; the tyranny that the military imposes upon women’s bodies is unbearable. Rape and sexual assault have long been weaponised by Myanmar’s armed forces against populations in every ethnic state in the country. We have seen this pattern repeated since the coup, now in towns and cities where no one is safe travelling, sleeping or passing through checkpoints. Every act of daily life poses new dangers.

This is why we must stand up, we must fight, and we must win.

In their April briefing paper, the Women’s League of Burma reported that more than 800 women had been detained and more than 40 killed since the coup. From those who have been detained there have been reports of torture and grievous sexual violence by the regime’s troops.

Airstrikes and artillery shellings in Kachin, Karen and Kayah states have collectively displaced well over 100,000 people. Among them are pregnant women, children, and the elderly, languishing in squalid camps, hiding the jungle like animals, or, in the case of Karen State, stuck on the banks of the Salween River, unable to cross the border to Thailand.

“There is no more peace and security for women,” one human rights defender from Kachin State told me recently. She noted that the discrimination and gender-based violence of the past had worsened in the years prior to the coup, and that shootings and sexual assault perpetrated against women were common due to the civil war and Myanmar military occupation of Kachin lands.

Since the coup, this “culture of male violence,” as she described it, has intensified.

“It hurts a lot, and it is completely unacceptable. There is no rule of law, no protection—the law has been abolished by the military. The situation is hopeless,” she said.

Even as the any guarantee for our safety deteriorates, women continue to be at the forefront of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), which aims to unseat the junta. Its main tool of resistance is a general strike, where people from across all sectors have refused to return to work until democracy is restored.

Much of the CDM campaign has been led by women-dominated industries, as workers sacrifice their wages and their physical safety for the future of the country. Participation in the CDM comes with the risk of arrest, torture and murder by the junta. It started early: in mid-February, two female teachers who had joined the CDM were beaten and arrested in the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina.

Even after the military forced schools to open on June 1, more than half of the country’s 400,000 teachers have refused to work while the junta is in power. Most of those on strike are believed to be women. Teachers in the CDM have been temporarily or permanently suspended from their jobs, and more than 100 are facing criminal charges by the regime. Many no longer dare to live in cities and towns and have fled to rural areas, with some even hiding in the jungle.

One ethnic Karen teacher on strike in Tanintharyi told me she was not going back to work because she does not want to “live as a slave under the military dictatorship.”

“I do not want to be involved in any administrative machinery that will prolong the new military dictatorship. I do not want to pass on this slave education system to the new generation,” she explained as to why she continues her strike.

She is one of many women throughout the civil service who is sacrificing her own safety and livelihood for the benefit of future generations.

Women have also been integral in leading protests against the military, using the power of their own womanhood to destroy the army’s control. The htamein campaign—in which women’s sarongs were used as flags or strung up above roads in urban areas—showed how women’s clothing instilled fear among soldiers, who feared they would lose their masculine power if they passed underneath the clothes.

Images of Kachin nun Sister Rose Nu Tawng have been seen around the world, a symbol of compassion and courage. In the midst of a protest crackdown in Myitkyina in March, she was photographed on her knees with her arms outstretched, begging members of the junta’s armed forces to “shoot and kill [her]” instead of children. While the police paused the violence momentarily, they continued shooting at demonstrators only moments after the iconic photos were taken.

In ethnic areas, women have long taken leadership positions through periods of war and hardship. In Karen State, for example, there are many villages where it is women who serve as village heads. Because of the civil war and ongoing military oppression, men have been worried that they would face torture or murder if they took on the role of village head, leaving women to do the job instead. Women throughout the region have had to protect their communities from violent attacks and negotiate with the military when they came to their villages. Being on the frontlines is not new for us.

These leadership positions continued through periods of temporary ceasefire, as women in ethnic areas addressed ongoing persecution and led efforts to recover lands and forests that were confiscated by the military. Women-led organisations across the ethnic states have also played central roles in civil society movements, creating new platforms and spaces for women throughout the country to be heard.

Despite the prominent roles of women within emergent civic spaces, there had been little space for women to participate in official roles within government or the peace process prior to the coup. In the newly formed anti-coup National Unity Government, women make up around one-third of cabinet positions, a presence we have not seen in previous national administrations.

While Myanmar is a deeply conflicted society divided by ethnicity, gender, class, and generational differences, we see that the military’s power grab has united us: today we stand together against patriarchal and racist military control. Ethnic groups from the Karen to the Kachin to the Rohingya to the Burmese, from older generations to Gen Z, from women to men, from factory workers to doctors—we all stand against military oppression.

This revolution is for all of us, and in a new Myanmar, women, ethnic minorities, youth and the working class will take a leading role in shaping it. There is no going back, only forwards.

This revolution is ours, and we will defeat our common enemy. 

Esther Wah is an indigenous Karen woman. She works with ethnic communities across Myanmar on their right to protect the land and forests.

 

Esther Wah is an indigenous Karen woman. She works with ethnic communities across Myanmar on their right to protect the land and forests.

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