Detained at night, lifeless by morning: Arrests under Myanmar’s junta

A growing number of protesters have disappeared into military custody, with the authorities providing no information about their location, well-being or the charges against them

Family members are pictured in mourning at the funeral of Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party. He was taken into regime custody alive on the night of March 6, but the following day his family was notified that he had died.

Under the current military regime, members of Myanmar’s public have increasingly been taken into custody alive at night, only to have their bodies returned to their families the following morning. 

Both the condition and whereabouts of others who have been arrested by the junta remain unknown to their relatives and lawyers, who say they have been unable to obtain even basic information about detainees. 

Since the February 1 military coup that ousted the National League for Democracy (NLD) government, elected parliamentarians, party members and their families have been targeted for arrest, alongside people who have been peacefully protesting the coup nationwide in what is being described as Myanmar’s Spring Revolution. 

It remains difficult to confirm the official number of people detained by the regime. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), between February 1 and March 8 the military council arrested more than 1,700 people and security forces had killed at least 60. The AAPP has noted that investigations into these figures are ongoing. 

It is unknown how many of those detained have died during interrogations by security forces, but at least three have been confirmed. 

Fifty-eight-year-old Khin Maung Latt, the NLD party chair of a community ward in Yangon’s Pabedan Township was arrested on the night of March 6; by the next day, he had died in police custody. Zaw Myat Lynn, an NLD member in charge of the “Suu” vocational training institute in Yangon’s Shwepyitha Township, was arrested on March 8. His family was notified the following day that he too had died. 

In both these instances, the families still have not been officially told their cause of death. 

“From what we could observe visibly, he died because he was shot in the chest. But there was no precise explanation for the cause of the death,” an NLD central executive committee member said of Zaw Myat Lynn, describing the condition of his body when viewed by his widow at Mingaladon Military Hospital in Yangon.

Similarly, Khin Maung Latt’s family have also inquired about his cause of death in state custody, but the military administration offered no explanation. 

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An anti-coup protest in Yangon's Sanchaung township on March 11. 

In the northern Shan State town of Muse, the Shan Herald Agency for News reported that 43-year-old Thein Lwin was arrested at an anti-coup protest, only to have his body-- which appeared to have been beaten-- returned to his family days later on March 5. 

Others taken by security forces have disappeared, their whereabouts unknown. 

Ko Ja Mar, an NLD member and personal security guard for the now detained State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, was arrested at his Bago Township home by armed personnel on March 9. At the time of reporting, his family had not received an update on where he was being held or what condition he was in. 

Myanmar Now spoke to a lawyer who is providing legal support to the families of people who have disappeared during protests in Yangon. He explained that as the number of missing persons grows, lawyers are sharing the caseload amongst themselves and working pro-bono.

“At this moment, I am only accepting cases of the  youth who disappeared in Sanchaung, Myaynigone, and townships around Hledan. In townships like North Okkalapa, since the number of the disappeared persons is much higher, other [lawyer] friends of mine are helping their families,” he said on the condition of anonymity. 

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Murders, torture & arrests have virtually stopped mass demonstrations in downtown Yangon. Yet hundreds of people in the suburban townships have kept protesting, as have residents of other cities nationwide.

On March 8, security forces blocked people who were peacefully protesting against the military coup in Sanchaung Township from leaving the area. At least 20 people were arrested overnight, but most managed to escape with the help of local residents. 

Lawyers have made a list of persons who are missing and have made inquiries with the authorities about whether they are being held in Insein Prison, but often do not receive a response.  

“Don’t even talk about the politicians-- it’s still really hard to find out about ordinary people and youth who have been shot, beaten and arrested for joining peaceful protests,” the lawyer explained. “We don’t exactly know if they are here [in Insein Prison]. Have they already been charged? Are they healthy or injured? Seeing them seems so far off at this moment.” 

Relatives of and legal advocates for the missing persons say that as long as people remain unaccounted for, the numbers of those arrested or killed throughout the country will remain only estimates. 

Two days after the March 8 Sanchaung arrests, the mother of a missing boy attempted to inquire about his condition at the Sanchaung police station, where she had heard her son and others were detained. She received no answers.   

While trying to get further information about his whereabouts, she heard that protesters were being held in a military estate on Lower Mingaladon Road  in Yangon’s Shwepyitha Township. She went there on Thursday morning. 

“They just repeatedly said that no one was detained in the estate,” the mother of the young protester said. 

A woman who is helping the families of three disappeared protesters said that it is believed that prisoners are being held inside the compound, which served as a military prison in the past. Since the coup, prisoner transport vehicles have been seen by residents regularly coming in and out of the compound with security escort cars. 

“They have denied it,” she said of the security forces. “They said there are no detainees. Just during the time we were there, at around 12:00 p.m., two Double Cap cars full of soldiers and a prisoner transport vehicle drove into the estate,” she said. 

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An anti-coup protest in Yangon's North Okkalapa township on March 11. 

Another suburban Yangon Township, North Okkalapa, is believed to have seen some of the toughest crackdowns on protests, with military personnel using machine guns against the public. Local social welfare and volunteer groups have guessed that at least 30 people were killed there and many more arrested. 

Myanmar Now has been able to confirm eight deaths in that brutal crackdown. 

At least 13 were killed on March 5 in Mandalay in protests against the military dictatorship. Though the military council’s troops have arrested many people, only one death has been officially confirmed: Naing Min Ko, 21, in a statement by the military’s own MWD broadcasting channel, according to the victim’s older sister, Ngwe Hnin Phyu. 

She has repeatedly asked that Naing Min Ko’s body be returned to the family, but has received no response. 

At the time of publication, the military was continuing to inflict violence on protesters across the country. On the evening of March 9 alone, more than 70 people were arrested in Myeik, Tanintharyi Region. Among them, at least 45 were subjected to brutal torture at the hands of soldiers. 

 

 

 

A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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