China’s Belt and Road Construction Boom May Fuel Demand for Trafficked ‘Brides’, Say Advocates

The one-child rule created demand for trafficked ‘brides’ - now activists fear another of Beijing’s flagship policies is fuelling the crisis

A 17-year-old girl from Shan state poses with the baby she conceived in a forced marriage in China before escaping (Photo : Minzayar Oo)

Seng Tsin had no idea where she was when she awoke one morning to find a strange man sat beside her on the bed, watching her as she regained consciousness.

He was her new husband, he told her, and his mother was downstairs preparing dinner for them. Seng Tsin, who says she was about 17 at the time, had been sold into China’s lucrative ‘bride’ trafficking industry.

She had travelled from Myanmar’s Kachin state to China’s Yunnan province in 2014 in search of work. But the broker who brought her and her friend into the country had a different plan.

The night before she found herself in the strange man’s house, the broker tried to convince the two women to marry Chinese men instead of working. They objected and an argument broke out.

 

 

Unwilling to take no for an answer, he drugged their meals and sold them into marriage while they were unconscious, she later concluded.

“We fell into a very deep sleep that night,” she told Myanmar Now. “When I woke up, a Chinese man was sitting beside me. It wasn’t the same room I fell asleep in.”

 

 

From that moment, she would not be allowed to leave the house. She didn’t even know where in China she was being held.

Seng Tsin is one of thousands of women to have crossed the border from Myanmar in recent years hoping to work their way out of grinding poverty, only to be tricked or coerced into forced marriages.

Yet the traffickers responsible have gone largely unchecked, with authorities on both sides of the border intervening in only a tiny fraction of cases.

China’s former one-child policy created a surplus of around 34 million males in the country, driving demand for trafficked ‘brides’ from poorer neighbouring countries. But now, activists and experts fear another of Beijing’s flagship policies is fuelling the crisis.

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), an ambitious effort to build new infrastructure across the globe, has spawned construction projects along the border that are luring migrant workers, and in turn creating opportunities to exploit them.

While it is difficult to get reliable data, Heather Barr, acting co-director of the Women's Rights Division at Human Rights Watch, says there is reason to be concerned about a link between BRI and trafficking.

“Based on the work we've done examining the issue of 'bride trafficking' to China from Myanmar and elsewhere it seems likely that there is some connection,” she told Myanmar Now.

“Given the clear demand in China for 'brides' it would not be surprising if the new business connections stemming from the Belt and Road Initiative also included increases in illicit commerce including human trafficking,” she added.

China and Myanmar have agreed to establish an economic corridor as part of Belt and Road. The plan involves building special economic zones near Muse, which borders China’s Ruili and is one of Myanmar’s biggest overland trading routes. Plans are also underway to build a high-speed railway line that will connect Mandalay, Myanmar’s second city, with China.

Khon Ja, a Kachin activist who helps rescue trafficking survivors, said an increase in construction projects means there are more male Chinese workers at the border looking for wives, and more work opportunities for migrant women in those same areas.

That, she said, creates openings for traffickers. “So many construction workers there don’t have wives, or maybe they have a wife at home but didn’t bring them,” she told Myanmar Now.

“Another thing is that when they have a lot of workers in those areas, a lot of small businesses open up. More or less all those places need girls to be cleaners or serve at the restaurants, so these are pull factors,” she said.

Seng Tsin and her friend were lured to China, along with a boy, with the promise of work in a restaurant. When the brokers showed up, the three were staying in a camp for displaced people in Myitkyina, Kachin’s capital, having fled fighting between the Myanmar military and the rebel Kachin Independence Army.

After they crossed the border, the boy was separated from them and sent to work on a construction site, while Seng Tsin and her friend were locked in a room in the brokers’ apartment.

They were told the restaurant had been raided by police, and the job was no longer available. “They even tried to convince us that if we married Chinese men, then they could buy us jewellery,” she recalls.

‘Many never make it home’

Seng Tsin’s case is no anomaly; for Kachin women travelling to China, the chances of being trafficked are high. Up to 37 percent of women from Kachin now living in China are trapped in forced marriages, a study by the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health estimated last year.

More than 5,600 Myanmar women were trafficked into forced marriages in Yunnan province in 2017, the study estimated. But in the same year police in Kachin handled only 18 cases of women being trafficked.

“Many women are trafficked and never make it home again,” said Barr, and so their cases are never recorded in government statistics.

Despite the risks, poverty, war and desperation in Kachin mean many feel they have little choice but to travel to China for work, said Hpung Ram, a camp coordinator at the Takhone Church of Christ camp for internally displaced people near Myitkyina.

Most of the camp’s residents fled from the state’s northeast eight years ago, he said. “Our villages were burnt down and we couldn’t bring anything but our bedding and some clothes. All civilians had to flee,” he told Myanmar Now.

Crossing the nearby border is considered inexpensive, and many people in the camp are desperate, he said. “They hear about the dangers of working in China, but they take the risk because there’s no other place to find work.”

Land grabbing by Myanmar soldiers has contributed to people’s hardship, said Moon Nay Li, General secretary of Kachin Women’s Association Thailand (KWAT). “The military has confiscated land from local people to build barracks,” she said.

The government has also prevented humanitarian agencies from supplying displaced people with aid in some cases.

Manipulation

Traffickers stalking communities in Kachin state use a variety of tactics to lure women.

Some approach parents posing as prospective husbands and offer to pay a dowry to marry their daughter and take her back to China. Then after the pair have crossed the border the trafficker will sell the woman into a forced marriage.

“Traditionally, Kachin people are very impressed to be given a large dowry,” said Lamung Hkwang, Director of the Kachin Women’s Organisation.

As well as approaching people directly with offers of work, brokers also manipulate community leaders into spreading rumours about work across the border, she added.

In one instance brokers convinced a group of local nuns to encourage villagers to take jobs in China and those who took up the offer ended up being trafficked.

“It took several years to get them back, the nuns were defrocked,” Lamung Hkwang said.

One reason so few people are saved is a lack of coordination between Myanmar and Chinese authorities and the Kachin Independence Organisation, which administers swathes of Kachin state.

“There is no way a competent investigation in any of these cases can be done solely on one side of the border,” said Barr. “Every single one of these cases requires cross-border law enforcement cooperation and there seems to be very little of that going on.”

Representatives from Myanmar’s home affairs ministry, police force and anti-trafficking task force all declined to comment for this story.

The Public Security Department of Yunnan Province told Myanmar Now in a statement: “Since 2017, Yunnan Province has cracked 25 human-tracking cases involving Myanmar, arrested 57 criminal suspects, cracked 6 criminal gangs, and rescued 33 Myanmar women.”

Between 2017 and 2018, the department also helped repatriate 331 abducted Myanmar women and children from provinces including Heilongjiang, Jiangsu and Hunan, the statement added.

From forced bride to rescuer

But in many cases, people in Kachin are forced to take matters into their own hands.

Sar Li Htwe, a legal adviser for the Kachin-based Htoi Gender and Development Foundation, said her group has handed over details of trafficked women they are in contact with, including their locations in China, to authorities before, but Chinese police are inconsistent and sometimes do not follow up.

“We have to tell the victims to run away when the Chinese police force doesn’t take any action,” she said.

Tsawm Nu escape a forced marriage in 2011. Then, frustrated by the authorities' inaction, used the language skills she learned while trapped in China to rescue 14 other women.

She followed rumours about trafficking victims, made contact with them by approaching the families that had bought them, and helped them to find escape routes home.

One of those she saved is Num Ri, who in 2007 was drugged by brokers who threatened her with violence and forced her to act like a “lunatic” in front of Chinese border guards to discourage them from checking her documents and asking her questions.

Tsawm Nu tracked down the family that was holding Num Ri and convinced them she was her sister. They allowed her to pay visits to Num Ri, and over time Tsawm Nu convinced her to escape. She provided her with money and helped arranged transport back home.

Seng Tsin’s escape was the result of sheer luck. The house she was kept in was surrounded by a high fence and a locked gate. But it just so happened that a Kachin man lived nearby. He had heard rumours of a trafficked woman being held somewhere in the neighbourhood and decided to investigate.

“One morning while I was walking around the garden a man yelled to me in Jinghpaw: ‘Are you Kachin?’” she recalled, referring to the main dialect of the Kachin.

Then she explained what had happened to her, and he told her to jump over the fence. “There were lots of empty flower pots in the garden. I dragged the empty pots and arranged them into stairs,” she said.

Once she was over, the man drove her to a bus terminal, bought her a ticket and asked the driver to ensure she made it to Myanmar safely. He also gave Seng Tsin 200 Yuan (roughly $28) for anything she might need on the journey home.

Seng Tsin, Tsawm Nu and Num Ri are still scarred by their experience.

Seng Tsin still feels terror at night time, because that was one of the worst parts of her day while she was trapped. “Going to bed was miserable because I would have to have sex with this strange man,” she said.

Num Ri, like many who escape, was forced to leave behind her child. Her was almost two years old when she left and is now 10.

“I miss my son a lot, especially when I see children who are the same age as him. But he doesn’t belong to me anymore... there’s nothing I can do.”

Additional reporting by Veta Chan and Brandon Johnson; Edited by Joshua Carroll

Names of survivors have been changed

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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