Can soldiers vote in Myanmar elections without fear?

Myanmar armed forces march during a military parade to mark the country's 67th Union Day ceremony in Sittwe, Rakhine State, western Myanmar, 12 February 2014. (Photo: EPA)

At the end of a day’s training in a vast military compound in the suburbs of Yangon, Corporal Khin Maung Than and three of his fellow comrades stepped out of a lush paddy field, their green uniforms coated with mud.

The soldiers had recently arrived in the city from different army regiments across Myanmar for a training course on agricultural techniques.

Asked how they were going to vote in the parliamentary elections on Nov.8 and if they felt they could make a free choice, none of them came up with a clear answer.

“We haven’t been told which party to vote for,” said Khin Maung Than, 52, who has served in the army for 35 years.

 

 

He said he had no idea whether he would be able to vote because he had to leave his national identity card, needed on polling day, back with his regiment. “Maybe I will send the name of the party I want to vote for in a phone message to someone back in my mother regiment,” he said hopefully.

One of his fellow comrades said that the commander of his regiment would probably vote on his behalf. Another besides him grew angry at the questioning, saying he would “explode” if he discussed the topic – politics is taboo in Myanmar’s army, he explained.

 

 

Myanmar has about 400,000 soldiers, many of whom will be casting their ballots in the polling stations set up in military compounds.

Whether these soldiers will be able to freely participate in the elections remains an unanswered question for political parties and election observers.

The quasi-civilian government of President Thein Sein came to power in 2011, ending 49 years of direct military rule.

But ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) has several former generals in its top ranks, Thein Sein included, and is widely seen as the military’s proxy party. There is concern among other parties that the huge bloc of military voters will not be able to cast their ballots freely on Nov. 8.

Some election candidates in whose constituencies the military bases exist said they are so sceptical about how the elections will be conducted in the military compounds that they have already discounted the soldiers’ votes.

“I regard the military votes as my minuses because I am suspicious about the voting situation there,” said former Lt. Col Kyaw Zeya, 59, one of very few former military retirees running in the elections for the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi.

He said he joined the NLD because he had secretly admired Suu Kyi, the son of independence hero Aung San, for a long time and he believed that the dominance of the military in politics should be reduced.

According to the 2008 constitution, 25 percent of seats in parliament are reserved for military officers, and won’t be contested in the election.

ORDER TO VOTE

In Dagon Township in downtown Yangon where Kyaw Zeya is running for a regional parliamentary seat, there are about 10,000 voters, but 3,000 of them are registered as military service personnel and some others are working in the military hospital.

But he can’t still make sense of the whereabouts of 1,000 of these 3,000 servicemen who are registered as living in residential quarters for army officers in his constituency, which has been empty since 2005 when the former dictator Than Shwe moved government offices to the remote capital Naypyidaw. He wonders whether these voters exist at all.

Moreover, the election commission has also added another 700 policemen recently recruited as an auxiliary special police force for the elections as voters in his constituency.

Since almost of half of all the voters in his constituency are security personnel, Kyaw Zeya does not expect their votes, saying that the military personnel will be voting not of their free will but according to order from their superiors.

“Even if I win, it will be a very close margin,” he said.

As someone who has served in the army for more than three decades before his retirement in 2013, he understands the culture of Myanmar’s army, the country’s biggest institution.

He said orders from above will play a decisive role in how the soldiers and their family members will vote in the Nov. 8 elections.

“If someone in charge tells the military personnel and their families that it is the order of the regiment commander to vote for the green, then everyone will have to vote for the green because that is order,” he said, referring to the USDP, which has a green flag and logo.

He added that those who don’t obey orders run the risk of losing out on opportunities or promotions in the future – as although their vote should be confidential, balloting in closed military compounds, where votes will be counted on site, is unlikely to be secret.

Sai Ye Kyaw Swar, the executive director of the People's Alliance for Credible Elections, shares the concern that the counting of ballots at the same polling stations where they are cast can compromise confidentiality.

“In other countries, you carry the ballots of a polling station to somewhere else to keep secret who most of the voters in that area voted for. But we don’t have that system here yet. We will count the votes at the same polling stations where you vote. So the next government may bear a grudge against a village or an army unit,” he said.

ELECTION INSTRUCTIONS

It is not known whether the army leadership has issued specific orders to its servicemen regarding the elections, but it is sending some very clear signals.

In a speech to hundreds of military officers in Naypyidaw on Oct. 20, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the top army chief, said that the military families are to choose candidates “who have an empathy for the army, are able to correctly guard the race and religion and who have no influence from foreign organizations and foreigners.”

Many quickly understood this as a plea to vote for the USDP, a party packed with former army officials, and a rejection of the opposition NLD party, whose leader Suu Kyi had a foreign spouse.

“We have no choice but to vote for the USDP,” said an army official from the Kayin State who asked not to be identified for fear of a punishment.

“We cannot have a preference for a particular party. Under the current circumstances, we will have to vote for the USDP only.”

Saw Maung Toke, a candidate of Kayin People’s Party, said that the army chief’s instruction undermines the individual freedom of military servicemen to vote in the elections.

Although he is running for a lower house seat in Hmawbi Township, home to dozens of military regiments, he is not hopeful about winning the votes of soldiers.

“We have no power to do anything about it. We will have to accept what they do,” he said.

Tin Aye, the chairman of Union Elections Commission, said in a news conference that the commission will give the observers and media access to the polling stations inside the military compounds on Election Day.

Alexander Graf Lambsdorff, the EU's chief election observer in Myanmar, said that he was given assurances of access in a recent meeting with Min Aung Hlaing.

"He agreed that our European Union teams would have access to military installations to observe voting there if there aren't national security considerations that are so serious enough as not to allow that," he said.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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