Beyond NLD, Yangon voters stumped on smaller parties

Published on Oct 10, 2015
Published on Oct 10, 2015
Published on Oct 10, 2015
A young supporter holds the picture of Aung San, father of Aung San Suu Kyi and Myanmar's founding father, on Martyrs' Day commemorations in Yangon, July 19, 2015. (PHOTO : Myanmar Now/ Hkun Lat)
A young supporter holds the picture of Aung San, father of Aung San Suu Kyi and Myanmar's founding father, on Martyrs' Day commemorations in Yangon, July 19, 2015. (PHOTO : Myanmar Now/ Hkun Lat)

It’s the National League for Democracy or nothing, according to a straw poll of voters in Yangon townships carried out with four weeks to go before Myanmar’s Nov. 8 election.

Myanmar Now carried out dozens of interviews in three townships in the commercial capital Yangon to gauge the public’s mood and political inclinations.

Among 45 people interviewed in Hlaing Tharyar, Mingalar Taung Nyunt and Thingangyun constituencies, 29 said they intend to vote for Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD, although for varying reasons.

Strikingly, the remainder of those who did not have a clear preference for the NLD said they had little interest in voting or the elections in general.

 

 

In comments that would worry independent candidates and those from smaller parties, almost all were unaware of other political parties beyond the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the opposition NLD.

Only four interviewees said they would decide who to vote for after scrutinising the candidates.

 

 

The interviews in the three constituencies – where around half a million voters have been registered so far, according to Union Election Commission officials - provide a snapshot of the public’s perceptions and aspirations ahead of what has been billed as Myanmar’s first free and fair polls in 25 years.

Myanmar Now’s interviews revealed that despite recent controversies - such as the rejection of candidates of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society activist group and public attacks from the nationalist Ma Ba Tha movement - the NLD is still the party to beat in Yangon.

The three constituencies will elect a total of 12 candidates - one each for the Upper House and Lower House, and two for the regional parliament - from among the 99 who are vying for the seats.

Among the NLD candidates contesting the townships is popular activist blogger Nay Phone Latt, who is running for a Yangon parliament seat in Thingangyun. Well-known lawmaker Phyu Phyu Thin - who established a pioneering HIV treatment clinic - is running for re-election to the Lower House for Suu Kyi’s party in Mingalar Taung Nyunt.

‘NO OTHER CHOICE’

“This is the time for us to vote, to make changes our country that for decades has been left behind. I don’t know exactly who’s running in our township, but I know who we should vote for and what their logo is,” said Zeya Lin from Thingangyun.

“Many people in my neighbourhood are not interested in politics so I try and inform them that the only party that could bring change is the NLD. Do I like them much? Well, at the moment there isn’t any other choice.”

His comments were echoed by a government worker in Mingalar Taung Nyunt, who declined to give his name.

“I’ve experienced three elections so far - 1990, 2010 and 2012. Everybody is shouting ‘Daw Suu, Daw Suu’ but what if the people below her are not good? I like (President) U Thein Sein, but the people below him are not like him.

They are not good,” he said.

“Comparing those two, you just have to vote for NLD for a change in politics,” he said.

Many interviewees said, however, they had no interest in the polls, could not be bothered to verify their names on the error-riddled voter lists, or were disillusioned with the process because they believed the army would interfere with the vote, as in the past.

“I’m not on the voter list. I’m not going to bother with registering so I’ll not be on it. It’s just too much effort. If your name isn’t on the list, then you just don’t go to vote,” said Yan Naung Soe, a tricycle driver form Thingangyun Township.

“I don’t know about politics and I’m not interested. One has to struggle to feed oneself. Regardless of who come into power, what’s important is to keep working.”

On Sept. 21, the People’s Alliance for Credible Elections, a coalition of local NGOs observing election preparations warned it was concerned about a lack of information around the election and potential low turnout.

UPHILL STRUGGLE?

Of the three constituencies, Hlaing Tharyar, a sprawling mix of shanty towns and industrial estates on Yangon’s northern outskirts, has the largest number of candidates - 52 - running for the three parliaments.

It has also emerged as one of the main areas in the city affected by widespread voter registration problems, which has reportedly resulted in tens of thousands of would-be voters to be left off voter lists.

Thingangyun and Mingalar Taung Nyunt, in Yangon’s east and close to downtown area respectively, are densely populated and have a sizeable minority of Muslim voters. Residents in Thingangyun will choose from 28 candidates and Mingalar Taung Nyunt from 19.

USDP candidates won Lower House seats in Hlaing Tharyar and Mingalar Taung Nyunt in the 2010 general elections, while a candidate from National Democratic Force (NDF), which splintered from the NLD to contest that year, won in Thingangyun.

The NLD boycotted the 2010 polls, however, which were widely considered to have been rigged by the then-ruling junta.

Very few interviewees openly expressed support for any parties beyond the NLD, indicating that smaller, lesser-known parties could struggle to gain a foothold in Yangon, even though it probably has the most well-informed and educated electorate of any part of Myanmar.

Maung Myint, a betel-nut seller in Thingangyun, is one of the few who said his vote is still up for grabs, but said he had received little information on alternatives to the NLD or USDP.

“I’m not voting for either of the two famous parties. I don’t like them,” he said. “One is popular but I haven’t seen anything in practice so I don’t want to support them. The other one is set up by those who oppress the people,” he added.

The stall holder said he had only received two pamphlets from other candidates, and seen little of campaigning by any of the smaller parties.

“I don’t know which candidates and parties are contesting in my township. I also don’t really know what the process of voting is going to be. I’ll just have to play it by ear when I get (to the polling station),” he said.

Smaller political parties say budgetary constraints have forced them to push their campaigns as close as possible to the election date, compounding their struggle to raise awareness in a crowded field.

“We will start campaigning in the first week of October. We have neither the manpower nor financial resources,” said Hla Toe, vice chairman of Kaman National Party who is running for a Lower House seat in Mingalar Taung Nyunt. “If we campaign too early, the voters may forget about us.”

The Kaman are a recognised Muslim minority from Rakhine State and Hla Toe is one of a small group of 28 Muslim candidates who have been allowed to run by the Union Election Commission.

The commission drew criticism from independent election observers after it disqualified many other Muslim candidates based on the strict enforcement of citizenship requirements.

FOLLOWING OTHERS' LEADS

Among those who said they would vote for the NLD are die-hard supporters, as well as those who say they are doing so because others are.

“An educated cousin at home talks about the NLD and my immediate circle is also talking about NLD, so I think I would also vote NLD. It’s not really because they’re good or I like them. It’s just that I’ve heard a lot about them,” said 50-year-old Than Than Swe, a seller of traditional snacks in Mingalar Taung Nyunt.

Many also acknowledged that they don’t know what the exact process of voting would involve.

“I’ve voted once before, but I don’t know what has changed and how I’m supposed to vote,” said Kyi Kyi San, a vendor in Hlaing Thar Yar. “I just feel pleased when I see a fighting peacock flag,” she added, referring to NLD’s red flag with the star and peacock symbol.

Htet Khaung Linn is a Senior Reporter with Myanmar Now.

Phyo Thiha Cho is Senior Reporter with Myanmar Now.

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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