Beyond NLD, Yangon voters stumped on smaller parties

A young supporter holds the picture of Aung San, father of Aung San Suu Kyi and Myanmar's founding father, on Martyrs' Day commemorations in Yangon, July 19, 2015. (PHOTO : Myanmar Now/ Hkun Lat)

It’s the National League for Democracy or nothing, according to a straw poll of voters in Yangon townships carried out with four weeks to go before Myanmar’s Nov. 8 election.

Myanmar Now carried out dozens of interviews in three townships in the commercial capital Yangon to gauge the public’s mood and political inclinations.

Among 45 people interviewed in Hlaing Tharyar, Mingalar Taung Nyunt and Thingangyun constituencies, 29 said they intend to vote for Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD, although for varying reasons.

Strikingly, the remainder of those who did not have a clear preference for the NLD said they had little interest in voting or the elections in general.

 

 

In comments that would worry independent candidates and those from smaller parties, almost all were unaware of other political parties beyond the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the opposition NLD.

Only four interviewees said they would decide who to vote for after scrutinising the candidates.

 

 

The interviews in the three constituencies – where around half a million voters have been registered so far, according to Union Election Commission officials - provide a snapshot of the public’s perceptions and aspirations ahead of what has been billed as Myanmar’s first free and fair polls in 25 years.

Myanmar Now’s interviews revealed that despite recent controversies - such as the rejection of candidates of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society activist group and public attacks from the nationalist Ma Ba Tha movement - the NLD is still the party to beat in Yangon.

The three constituencies will elect a total of 12 candidates - one each for the Upper House and Lower House, and two for the regional parliament - from among the 99 who are vying for the seats.

Among the NLD candidates contesting the townships is popular activist blogger Nay Phone Latt, who is running for a Yangon parliament seat in Thingangyun. Well-known lawmaker Phyu Phyu Thin - who established a pioneering HIV treatment clinic - is running for re-election to the Lower House for Suu Kyi’s party in Mingalar Taung Nyunt.

‘NO OTHER CHOICE’

“This is the time for us to vote, to make changes our country that for decades has been left behind. I don’t know exactly who’s running in our township, but I know who we should vote for and what their logo is,” said Zeya Lin from Thingangyun.

“Many people in my neighbourhood are not interested in politics so I try and inform them that the only party that could bring change is the NLD. Do I like them much? Well, at the moment there isn’t any other choice.”

His comments were echoed by a government worker in Mingalar Taung Nyunt, who declined to give his name.

“I’ve experienced three elections so far - 1990, 2010 and 2012. Everybody is shouting ‘Daw Suu, Daw Suu’ but what if the people below her are not good? I like (President) U Thein Sein, but the people below him are not like him.

They are not good,” he said.

“Comparing those two, you just have to vote for NLD for a change in politics,” he said.

Many interviewees said, however, they had no interest in the polls, could not be bothered to verify their names on the error-riddled voter lists, or were disillusioned with the process because they believed the army would interfere with the vote, as in the past.

“I’m not on the voter list. I’m not going to bother with registering so I’ll not be on it. It’s just too much effort. If your name isn’t on the list, then you just don’t go to vote,” said Yan Naung Soe, a tricycle driver form Thingangyun Township.

“I don’t know about politics and I’m not interested. One has to struggle to feed oneself. Regardless of who come into power, what’s important is to keep working.”

On Sept. 21, the People’s Alliance for Credible Elections, a coalition of local NGOs observing election preparations warned it was concerned about a lack of information around the election and potential low turnout.

UPHILL STRUGGLE?

Of the three constituencies, Hlaing Tharyar, a sprawling mix of shanty towns and industrial estates on Yangon’s northern outskirts, has the largest number of candidates - 52 - running for the three parliaments.

It has also emerged as one of the main areas in the city affected by widespread voter registration problems, which has reportedly resulted in tens of thousands of would-be voters to be left off voter lists.

Thingangyun and Mingalar Taung Nyunt, in Yangon’s east and close to downtown area respectively, are densely populated and have a sizeable minority of Muslim voters. Residents in Thingangyun will choose from 28 candidates and Mingalar Taung Nyunt from 19.

USDP candidates won Lower House seats in Hlaing Tharyar and Mingalar Taung Nyunt in the 2010 general elections, while a candidate from National Democratic Force (NDF), which splintered from the NLD to contest that year, won in Thingangyun.

The NLD boycotted the 2010 polls, however, which were widely considered to have been rigged by the then-ruling junta.

Very few interviewees openly expressed support for any parties beyond the NLD, indicating that smaller, lesser-known parties could struggle to gain a foothold in Yangon, even though it probably has the most well-informed and educated electorate of any part of Myanmar.

Maung Myint, a betel-nut seller in Thingangyun, is one of the few who said his vote is still up for grabs, but said he had received little information on alternatives to the NLD or USDP.

“I’m not voting for either of the two famous parties. I don’t like them,” he said. “One is popular but I haven’t seen anything in practice so I don’t want to support them. The other one is set up by those who oppress the people,” he added.

The stall holder said he had only received two pamphlets from other candidates, and seen little of campaigning by any of the smaller parties.

“I don’t know which candidates and parties are contesting in my township. I also don’t really know what the process of voting is going to be. I’ll just have to play it by ear when I get (to the polling station),” he said.

Smaller political parties say budgetary constraints have forced them to push their campaigns as close as possible to the election date, compounding their struggle to raise awareness in a crowded field.

“We will start campaigning in the first week of October. We have neither the manpower nor financial resources,” said Hla Toe, vice chairman of Kaman National Party who is running for a Lower House seat in Mingalar Taung Nyunt. “If we campaign too early, the voters may forget about us.”

The Kaman are a recognised Muslim minority from Rakhine State and Hla Toe is one of a small group of 28 Muslim candidates who have been allowed to run by the Union Election Commission.

The commission drew criticism from independent election observers after it disqualified many other Muslim candidates based on the strict enforcement of citizenship requirements.

FOLLOWING OTHERS' LEADS

Among those who said they would vote for the NLD are die-hard supporters, as well as those who say they are doing so because others are.

“An educated cousin at home talks about the NLD and my immediate circle is also talking about NLD, so I think I would also vote NLD. It’s not really because they’re good or I like them. It’s just that I’ve heard a lot about them,” said 50-year-old Than Than Swe, a seller of traditional snacks in Mingalar Taung Nyunt.

Many also acknowledged that they don’t know what the exact process of voting would involve.

“I’ve voted once before, but I don’t know what has changed and how I’m supposed to vote,” said Kyi Kyi San, a vendor in Hlaing Thar Yar. “I just feel pleased when I see a fighting peacock flag,” she added, referring to NLD’s red flag with the star and peacock symbol.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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