As civil disobedience movement grows, so do efforts to shore up resistance

As civil servants stage walkouts in protest against military rule, new groups are forming to help them meet basic needs

Public employees, including teachers, engineers, doctors and nurses, join a protest in Yangon's Sanchaung township on February 8 as part the civil disobedience movement. (Myanmar Now)

In the two weeks since Myanmar’s military seized power, resistance has taken many forms, from people banging pots and pans to massive street protests. But none have shown more commitment to the cause of restoring civilian rule than the tens of thousands of civil servants who have put their lives and livelihoods on the line by joining the growing civil disobedience movement.

Some in this movement have been targeted for arrest, as the regime carries out late-night arrests around the country as part of its effort to crush popular opposition to its rule. But many others are struggling with a more basic problem: meeting their material needs as they forego an income in their bid to bring down the junta.

It is in recognition of this sacrifice that new groups have begun to crop up to assist public employees in need. These groups—with names like “We Support Heroes” and “2/21 Sturdy Hands”—are trying to ensure that the regime doesn’t win by attrition what it can’t achieve through fear and intimidation.

“Whenever we urge civil servants to stay away from work, there are always some who ask us how they can feed themselves. That’s why we formed this group, so that we could answer that question and show our unity,” said a member of a group that calls itself “Get Well Soon”.

 

 

Already, hundreds have sought help. So far, however, support has come mainly in the form of food and shelter provided by private donors, as financial aid is still not available due to the fact that none of the groups have begun fundraising yet.

One group, We Support Heroes, says that it has assisted at least 100 public employees and their families since the civil disobedience movement, or CDM, started in the days after the February 1 coup. Most are nurses, but others include customs officials, parliamentary office staff, and the households of six police officers forced to leave government-sponsored housing. 

 

 

One of the members of the group told Myanmar Now that even without much cash at its disposal, it has been able to amply provide for those in need of assistance thanks to the generosity of the public.

“There are people who have welcomed others into their homes, in some cases giving them the whole house to live in. In Mandalay, a whole hotel was provided. And some are giving not just accommodation, but also daily meals,” he said.

Engineering resistance

Many of those walking off the job to join the CDM are technical staff working in a variety of ministries, including the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and the Irrigation and the Small-Scale Industries Department. Scattered around the country, from remote parts of Kachin State to the urban centers of Yangon and Mandalay, they have been among those in greatest need.

Civil Disobedience Campaign—Myanmar Engineers, a group formed to assist workers in technical professions who have lost their jobs or housing due to their participation in the CDM, says that it has received 600 requests for help, but has so far only been able to assist in about 200 cases.

Part of the problem, according to a member of the group, is that it cannot function openly and risks a crackdown if it starts receiving large amounts of money. At this stage, it relies mostly on remittances from supporters overseas, especially in Japan and the United States, but this has been insufficient due to the difficulty of transferring money from these countries.

But more than money, he said, groups like this need to be able to work without fear of prosecution. “We, as a supporting group, need the protection of lawyers, human rights experts, and politicians. Only then will we be able to support the anti-authoritarian movement openly and officially,” he said.

But funding will definitely be necessary going forward, he added.

“The CDM is the only silent weapon we have. To keep it going will need more than just verbal support—it will also take money. This revolution will succeed only if the people can provide security for those joining the CDM,” he said.

Joining hands

Some groups have not hesitated to step up their efforts to support the CDM, even at the risk of arrest. Led by prominent activists Nilar Thein (of the 88 Generation Peace and Open Society group) and singer Lin Lin, as well as Buddhist monk Sayadaw U Thu Mingalar, 2/21 Sturdy Hands said that it was in the process of setting up a fund to support unpaid civil servants. 

In the meantime, the group said, donations can be made through the Free Funeral Service Society, a well-known charity led by actor Kyaw Thu and his wife, Shwe Zi Thet.

A number of famous personalities in Myanmar have thrown their support behind the CDM. Movie actresses Phwe Phwe and Aye Wat Yi Thaung, actors Zenn Kyi and Paing Takhon, director Na Gyi, and badminton champion Thet Htar Thuzar are among those who have used their names to promote the cause.

But while the backing of celebrities has certainly helped to reinforce the idea that this is a broad-based movement uniting the entire country against military rule, it has been the energy and efforts of ordinary people that have made the greatest difference.

“Our greatest weapon is the strong desire of the people. No other weapons are necessary. You don’t have to do anything if you join the CDM, which we believe will make the change that we want come true,” said a member of the Get Well Soon group, which also supports patients affected by strikes by hospital staff.

The movement has already attracted the support of a wide range of public employees, including teachers, healthcare professionals, customs officers, forestry and railway workers, and the staff of state-run banks, and continues to grow.

But as the military moves tanks into cities in a show of its determination to quell resistance and crackdowns grow increasingly brutal, it is still far from clear if the will of the people will prevail in what may turn into a bloody battle for control of a country weary of decades of dictatorship.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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