Are these controversial fish farms a danger to public health?

Integrated fish farming may be toxic, but farmers say banning it will raise prices and put people out of work

Published on Feb 26, 2020
An integrated farm in Shantaegyi village, in Yangon’s East Dagon township on February 10 (Photo- Sai Zaw/ Myanmar Now)
An integrated farm in Shantaegyi village, in Yangon’s East Dagon township on February 10 (Photo- Sai Zaw/ Myanmar Now)

At a Yangon fish farm one recent morning, Myanmar Now watched as chicken faeces fell from coops suspended above a pond, down into the water, where a scrum of fish formed to snack on it.

The practice, known as integrated animal-fish farming, pairs fish ponds with other livestock - often chicken, but also pigs and geese - grown in close proximity, with the animal waste used to generate fish feed.

Advocates say the method is economical, and that the animal waste acts only to fertilize the phytoplankton in the ponds that fish feed on. They deny the fish eat the animal waste itself.

But Myanmar Now saw fish feasting on such waste at six separate integrated farms in Yangon’s Hlegu and Mingalardon township during trips in January and February.

Public health experts say the practice encourages the spread of harmful bacteria and that toxic metals found in chicken feed accumulate in fish, from both the chicken waste and from chicken feed that spills into ponds from the coops above.

Trade groups also worry about the practice. It’s banned in much of the developed world, and they say Myanmar’s continued use of integrated farms makes Myanmar a pariah in international seafood markets.

Economics

The MFF permits up to 1,000 chickens to be raised per acre of fish farm. This chicken can be brought in batches to market six times before the first fish can be sold. Integrated farming, they say, helps sustain the longer and more costly fish production before it can generate revenue.

For farmers working on a shoestring, it also beats buying more expensive fish feed from Chinese or Thai manufacturers.

They argue that ending the practice would make chicken, fish and eggs unaffordable for much of the public.

“Who takes responsibility for the rise in price that would follow abolishing this practice,” asked Myanmar Livestock Federation (MLF) Yangon branch vice chairman Myint Aung.

Yangon’s 250 integrated farms employ more than 6,000 people. If the system is quickly ended it will weaken public food security and hurt the livelihoods of those employees, plus many thousands more that depend on the industry, he said.

Fish exporters, on the other hand, say continuing the practice hurts the national economy more.

As global standards for food safety rise and consumers grow more conscious of how their food is raised, exporters fear that allowing it to continue will hurt Myanmar’s brand as a seafood supplier for world markets.

 

 

In fiscal year 2017-18, Myanmar exported 560,000 tons of fisheries products, earning $700m, according to figures published by the state-owned newspaper the Global New Light of Myanmar.

The following year that revenue was up to $732m, according to the ministry of commerce.

 

 

Myanmar is the world’s largest exporter of rohu, a type of carp often raised on integrated farms in Myanmar.

Catfish, catla, karfu and pomfret are also often produced on integrated farms, according to the MLF.

Many importers will only buy fish grown on exclusive fish farms, said Win Kyaing, Myanmar Fisheries Federation (MFF) general secretary.

MFF representatives urged vice president Myint Swe to ban the practice at a chamber of commerce meeting in Yangon last October.

Saudi Arabia and the EU - where food safety requirements are among the strictest - ban imports of fish raised on integrated farms. In 1997, both countries stopped buying fish from Myanmar after lab tests showed the fish they were importing had been raised that way.

Both have since resumed importing from Myanmar in the last few years, but only from exclusive fish farms.

According to MLF estimates, about 2,000 such farms were operating in Myanmar in 2019 - mostly in Yangon, Ayeyarwaddy, Bago and Mandalay regions - producing about 1.3m pounds of fish a day, or just over half of all fish sold in Myanmar.

Unsafe at any price?

Whatever market it reaches, public health experts argue that fish from integrated farms is harmful to consumers’ health.

They say it increases the risk of spreading salmonella and other bacterial diseases.

Salmonella, a major cause of food poisoning, leads to diarrhoea, severe stomach ache, vomiting, fever and, in some cases, death.

“If conditions worsen, this intestinal bacteria can also reach the blood, and a small percent of cases can become life-threatening,” Dr Win Maw Tun, director of medical research for the ministry of health and sports’ Yangon branch, told Myanmar Now.

He warned that salmonella can also spread to fruits and vegetables if contaminated chicken manure is used as fertilizer.

But it’s not just bacteria. A 2011 study in the Journal of Applied Sciences found that heavy metals like arsenic, copper, zinc, lead and mercury accumulate at dangerous levels in fish raised on integrated farms.

The metals are present in chicken feed. The feed often falls directly into the pond, where fish eat it, and it is excreted in the chicken faeces that Myanmar Now saw fish feeding on.

Consuming high levels of these metals can cause brain and central nervous system disorders and kidney and liver damage in humans, according to the study.

While trade representatives say Myanmar’s exports come exclusively from fish farms that do not use the integrated approach, on supermarket shelves throughout the country, fish is not differentiated by how it’s raised.

Myanmar Fisheries Products Processors and Exporters Association general secretary Myo Nyunt called this wrong.

“Exporting clean food for foreign markets and feeding local people fish raised on chicken poop is inappropriate,” he told Myanmar Now.

Farmers disagree

Fish farmers deny claims of adverse health effects.

They also petitioned the vice president opposing the ban in a December 2019 letter.

The government has not responded to either party.

Despite what Myanmar Now saw in January and February, Myint Aung insists the fish are not eating manure.

“Fish don’t eat chicken droppings like people say. They eat the phytoplankton that it grows,” he told Myanmar Now. “If we don’t raise chicken on top of the fish ponds, we’d still need chicken manure and cow dung to fertilize the ponds.”

Still, they say, the concerns are overblown.

MLF vice chairman Dr Kyaw Htin said not a single case of fish raised this way causing harm to humans has been documented.

“Look at the FAO (UN Food and Agriculture Organization) website. There has not been a single case of someone getting sick from this,” he said.

In their December 2019 letter to Myint Swe, the MLF said the practice is necessary to make chicken and eggs affordable.

Over 2.7 million chickens are raised for meat and 2.9 million for eggs on integrated farms in Myanmar every year.

Worth higher prices?

Hla Win, former director of the MFF Yangon, said the practice must be abolished.

“From a health perspective, this fish is not safe to eat,” he said.

But, he cautioned, it must be abolished slowly and with care for the workers and business owners who currently depend on it.

Though farmers complain that without the practice it would take too long to profitably bring their fish to market, Kyaw Htin says improved fish feed is increasingly allowing them to speed up the process while also improving the quality and weight of the fish.

Still, he too cautions against abolishing the system too quickly.

“Like owners have said, the practise can’t be stopped abruptly. That would destroy every one of these businesses and weaken food security,” he told Myanmar Now.

“I proposed to the vice president that the system be changed gradually, but we also need to do more research,” he said. “You can’t argue without data.”

The fisheries department, which operates under the agriculture ministry, began monitoring the quality of fish produced at integrated farms just this past October at their ISO-accredited lab, according to deputy director Myint Zin Htoo.

No test results have so far been released, he told Myanmar Now.

As things stand, domestic consumers are left with little choice, unable to know how the fish they buy is raised.

When Myanmar Now spoke with ten random Yangonites at markets in Pabedan township recently, none knew how the fish they bought was raised, nor if fish from integrated farms is safe to eat.

At least one said they’d refuse to eat fish they knew were raised on chicken feed and faeces.

But they also all said they did not want to see the price of chicken or fish rise.

Editing by Danny Fenster

Zaw Ye Thwe is Reporter with Myanmar Now

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading

The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

Continue Reading

A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading