Are these controversial fish farms a danger to public health?

Integrated fish farming may be toxic, but farmers say banning it will raise prices and put people out of work

An integrated farm in Shantaegyi village, in Yangon’s East Dagon township on February 10 (Photo- Sai Zaw/ Myanmar Now)

At a Yangon fish farm one recent morning, Myanmar Now watched as chicken faeces fell from coops suspended above a pond, down into the water, where a scrum of fish formed to snack on it.

The practice, known as integrated animal-fish farming, pairs fish ponds with other livestock - often chicken, but also pigs and geese - grown in close proximity, with the animal waste used to generate fish feed.

Advocates say the method is economical, and that the animal waste acts only to fertilize the phytoplankton in the ponds that fish feed on. They deny the fish eat the animal waste itself.

But Myanmar Now saw fish feasting on such waste at six separate integrated farms in Yangon’s Hlegu and Mingalardon township during trips in January and February.

Public health experts say the practice encourages the spread of harmful bacteria and that toxic metals found in chicken feed accumulate in fish, from both the chicken waste and from chicken feed that spills into ponds from the coops above.

Trade groups also worry about the practice. It’s banned in much of the developed world, and they say Myanmar’s continued use of integrated farms makes Myanmar a pariah in international seafood markets.

Economics

The MFF permits up to 1,000 chickens to be raised per acre of fish farm. This chicken can be brought in batches to market six times before the first fish can be sold. Integrated farming, they say, helps sustain the longer and more costly fish production before it can generate revenue.

For farmers working on a shoestring, it also beats buying more expensive fish feed from Chinese or Thai manufacturers.

They argue that ending the practice would make chicken, fish and eggs unaffordable for much of the public.

“Who takes responsibility for the rise in price that would follow abolishing this practice,” asked Myanmar Livestock Federation (MLF) Yangon branch vice chairman Myint Aung.

Yangon’s 250 integrated farms employ more than 6,000 people. If the system is quickly ended it will weaken public food security and hurt the livelihoods of those employees, plus many thousands more that depend on the industry, he said.

Fish exporters, on the other hand, say continuing the practice hurts the national economy more.

As global standards for food safety rise and consumers grow more conscious of how their food is raised, exporters fear that allowing it to continue will hurt Myanmar’s brand as a seafood supplier for world markets.

 

 

In fiscal year 2017-18, Myanmar exported 560,000 tons of fisheries products, earning $700m, according to figures published by the state-owned newspaper the Global New Light of Myanmar.

The following year that revenue was up to $732m, according to the ministry of commerce.

 

 

Myanmar is the world’s largest exporter of rohu, a type of carp often raised on integrated farms in Myanmar.

Catfish, catla, karfu and pomfret are also often produced on integrated farms, according to the MLF.

Many importers will only buy fish grown on exclusive fish farms, said Win Kyaing, Myanmar Fisheries Federation (MFF) general secretary.

MFF representatives urged vice president Myint Swe to ban the practice at a chamber of commerce meeting in Yangon last October.

Saudi Arabia and the EU - where food safety requirements are among the strictest - ban imports of fish raised on integrated farms. In 1997, both countries stopped buying fish from Myanmar after lab tests showed the fish they were importing had been raised that way.

Both have since resumed importing from Myanmar in the last few years, but only from exclusive fish farms.

According to MLF estimates, about 2,000 such farms were operating in Myanmar in 2019 - mostly in Yangon, Ayeyarwaddy, Bago and Mandalay regions - producing about 1.3m pounds of fish a day, or just over half of all fish sold in Myanmar.

Unsafe at any price?

Whatever market it reaches, public health experts argue that fish from integrated farms is harmful to consumers’ health.

They say it increases the risk of spreading salmonella and other bacterial diseases.

Salmonella, a major cause of food poisoning, leads to diarrhoea, severe stomach ache, vomiting, fever and, in some cases, death.

“If conditions worsen, this intestinal bacteria can also reach the blood, and a small percent of cases can become life-threatening,” Dr Win Maw Tun, director of medical research for the ministry of health and sports’ Yangon branch, told Myanmar Now.

He warned that salmonella can also spread to fruits and vegetables if contaminated chicken manure is used as fertilizer.

But it’s not just bacteria. A 2011 study in the Journal of Applied Sciences found that heavy metals like arsenic, copper, zinc, lead and mercury accumulate at dangerous levels in fish raised on integrated farms.

The metals are present in chicken feed. The feed often falls directly into the pond, where fish eat it, and it is excreted in the chicken faeces that Myanmar Now saw fish feeding on.

Consuming high levels of these metals can cause brain and central nervous system disorders and kidney and liver damage in humans, according to the study.

While trade representatives say Myanmar’s exports come exclusively from fish farms that do not use the integrated approach, on supermarket shelves throughout the country, fish is not differentiated by how it’s raised.

Myanmar Fisheries Products Processors and Exporters Association general secretary Myo Nyunt called this wrong.

“Exporting clean food for foreign markets and feeding local people fish raised on chicken poop is inappropriate,” he told Myanmar Now.

Farmers disagree

Fish farmers deny claims of adverse health effects.

They also petitioned the vice president opposing the ban in a December 2019 letter.

The government has not responded to either party.

Despite what Myanmar Now saw in January and February, Myint Aung insists the fish are not eating manure.

“Fish don’t eat chicken droppings like people say. They eat the phytoplankton that it grows,” he told Myanmar Now. “If we don’t raise chicken on top of the fish ponds, we’d still need chicken manure and cow dung to fertilize the ponds.”

Still, they say, the concerns are overblown.

MLF vice chairman Dr Kyaw Htin said not a single case of fish raised this way causing harm to humans has been documented.

“Look at the FAO (UN Food and Agriculture Organization) website. There has not been a single case of someone getting sick from this,” he said.

In their December 2019 letter to Myint Swe, the MLF said the practice is necessary to make chicken and eggs affordable.

Over 2.7 million chickens are raised for meat and 2.9 million for eggs on integrated farms in Myanmar every year.

Worth higher prices?

Hla Win, former director of the MFF Yangon, said the practice must be abolished.

“From a health perspective, this fish is not safe to eat,” he said.

But, he cautioned, it must be abolished slowly and with care for the workers and business owners who currently depend on it.

Though farmers complain that without the practice it would take too long to profitably bring their fish to market, Kyaw Htin says improved fish feed is increasingly allowing them to speed up the process while also improving the quality and weight of the fish.

Still, he too cautions against abolishing the system too quickly.

“Like owners have said, the practise can’t be stopped abruptly. That would destroy every one of these businesses and weaken food security,” he told Myanmar Now.

“I proposed to the vice president that the system be changed gradually, but we also need to do more research,” he said. “You can’t argue without data.”

The fisheries department, which operates under the agriculture ministry, began monitoring the quality of fish produced at integrated farms just this past October at their ISO-accredited lab, according to deputy director Myint Zin Htoo.

No test results have so far been released, he told Myanmar Now.

As things stand, domestic consumers are left with little choice, unable to know how the fish they buy is raised.

When Myanmar Now spoke with ten random Yangonites at markets in Pabedan township recently, none knew how the fish they bought was raised, nor if fish from integrated farms is safe to eat.

At least one said they’d refuse to eat fish they knew were raised on chicken feed and faeces.

But they also all said they did not want to see the price of chicken or fish rise.

Editing by Danny Fenster

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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