Are these controversial fish farms a danger to public health?

Integrated fish farming may be toxic, but farmers say banning it will raise prices and put people out of work

An integrated farm in Shantaegyi village, in Yangon’s East Dagon township on February 10 (Photo- Sai Zaw/ Myanmar Now)

At a Yangon fish farm one recent morning, Myanmar Now watched as chicken faeces fell from coops suspended above a pond, down into the water, where a scrum of fish formed to snack on it.

The practice, known as integrated animal-fish farming, pairs fish ponds with other livestock - often chicken, but also pigs and geese - grown in close proximity, with the animal waste used to generate fish feed.

Advocates say the method is economical, and that the animal waste acts only to fertilize the phytoplankton in the ponds that fish feed on. They deny the fish eat the animal waste itself.

But Myanmar Now saw fish feasting on such waste at six separate integrated farms in Yangon’s Hlegu and Mingalardon township during trips in January and February.

Public health experts say the practice encourages the spread of harmful bacteria and that toxic metals found in chicken feed accumulate in fish, from both the chicken waste and from chicken feed that spills into ponds from the coops above.

Trade groups also worry about the practice. It’s banned in much of the developed world, and they say Myanmar’s continued use of integrated farms makes Myanmar a pariah in international seafood markets.

Economics

The MFF permits up to 1,000 chickens to be raised per acre of fish farm. This chicken can be brought in batches to market six times before the first fish can be sold. Integrated farming, they say, helps sustain the longer and more costly fish production before it can generate revenue.

For farmers working on a shoestring, it also beats buying more expensive fish feed from Chinese or Thai manufacturers.

They argue that ending the practice would make chicken, fish and eggs unaffordable for much of the public.

“Who takes responsibility for the rise in price that would follow abolishing this practice,” asked Myanmar Livestock Federation (MLF) Yangon branch vice chairman Myint Aung.

Yangon’s 250 integrated farms employ more than 6,000 people. If the system is quickly ended it will weaken public food security and hurt the livelihoods of those employees, plus many thousands more that depend on the industry, he said.

Fish exporters, on the other hand, say continuing the practice hurts the national economy more.

As global standards for food safety rise and consumers grow more conscious of how their food is raised, exporters fear that allowing it to continue will hurt Myanmar’s brand as a seafood supplier for world markets.

 

 

In fiscal year 2017-18, Myanmar exported 560,000 tons of fisheries products, earning $700m, according to figures published by the state-owned newspaper the Global New Light of Myanmar.

The following year that revenue was up to $732m, according to the ministry of commerce.

 

 

Myanmar is the world’s largest exporter of rohu, a type of carp often raised on integrated farms in Myanmar.

Catfish, catla, karfu and pomfret are also often produced on integrated farms, according to the MLF.

Many importers will only buy fish grown on exclusive fish farms, said Win Kyaing, Myanmar Fisheries Federation (MFF) general secretary.

MFF representatives urged vice president Myint Swe to ban the practice at a chamber of commerce meeting in Yangon last October.

Saudi Arabia and the EU - where food safety requirements are among the strictest - ban imports of fish raised on integrated farms. In 1997, both countries stopped buying fish from Myanmar after lab tests showed the fish they were importing had been raised that way.

Both have since resumed importing from Myanmar in the last few years, but only from exclusive fish farms.

According to MLF estimates, about 2,000 such farms were operating in Myanmar in 2019 - mostly in Yangon, Ayeyarwaddy, Bago and Mandalay regions - producing about 1.3m pounds of fish a day, or just over half of all fish sold in Myanmar.

Unsafe at any price?

Whatever market it reaches, public health experts argue that fish from integrated farms is harmful to consumers’ health.

They say it increases the risk of spreading salmonella and other bacterial diseases.

Salmonella, a major cause of food poisoning, leads to diarrhoea, severe stomach ache, vomiting, fever and, in some cases, death.

“If conditions worsen, this intestinal bacteria can also reach the blood, and a small percent of cases can become life-threatening,” Dr Win Maw Tun, director of medical research for the ministry of health and sports’ Yangon branch, told Myanmar Now.

He warned that salmonella can also spread to fruits and vegetables if contaminated chicken manure is used as fertilizer.

But it’s not just bacteria. A 2011 study in the Journal of Applied Sciences found that heavy metals like arsenic, copper, zinc, lead and mercury accumulate at dangerous levels in fish raised on integrated farms.

The metals are present in chicken feed. The feed often falls directly into the pond, where fish eat it, and it is excreted in the chicken faeces that Myanmar Now saw fish feeding on.

Consuming high levels of these metals can cause brain and central nervous system disorders and kidney and liver damage in humans, according to the study.

While trade representatives say Myanmar’s exports come exclusively from fish farms that do not use the integrated approach, on supermarket shelves throughout the country, fish is not differentiated by how it’s raised.

Myanmar Fisheries Products Processors and Exporters Association general secretary Myo Nyunt called this wrong.

“Exporting clean food for foreign markets and feeding local people fish raised on chicken poop is inappropriate,” he told Myanmar Now.

Farmers disagree

Fish farmers deny claims of adverse health effects.

They also petitioned the vice president opposing the ban in a December 2019 letter.

The government has not responded to either party.

Despite what Myanmar Now saw in January and February, Myint Aung insists the fish are not eating manure.

“Fish don’t eat chicken droppings like people say. They eat the phytoplankton that it grows,” he told Myanmar Now. “If we don’t raise chicken on top of the fish ponds, we’d still need chicken manure and cow dung to fertilize the ponds.”

Still, they say, the concerns are overblown.

MLF vice chairman Dr Kyaw Htin said not a single case of fish raised this way causing harm to humans has been documented.

“Look at the FAO (UN Food and Agriculture Organization) website. There has not been a single case of someone getting sick from this,” he said.

In their December 2019 letter to Myint Swe, the MLF said the practice is necessary to make chicken and eggs affordable.

Over 2.7 million chickens are raised for meat and 2.9 million for eggs on integrated farms in Myanmar every year.

Worth higher prices?

Hla Win, former director of the MFF Yangon, said the practice must be abolished.

“From a health perspective, this fish is not safe to eat,” he said.

But, he cautioned, it must be abolished slowly and with care for the workers and business owners who currently depend on it.

Though farmers complain that without the practice it would take too long to profitably bring their fish to market, Kyaw Htin says improved fish feed is increasingly allowing them to speed up the process while also improving the quality and weight of the fish.

Still, he too cautions against abolishing the system too quickly.

“Like owners have said, the practise can’t be stopped abruptly. That would destroy every one of these businesses and weaken food security,” he told Myanmar Now.

“I proposed to the vice president that the system be changed gradually, but we also need to do more research,” he said. “You can’t argue without data.”

The fisheries department, which operates under the agriculture ministry, began monitoring the quality of fish produced at integrated farms just this past October at their ISO-accredited lab, according to deputy director Myint Zin Htoo.

No test results have so far been released, he told Myanmar Now.

As things stand, domestic consumers are left with little choice, unable to know how the fish they buy is raised.

When Myanmar Now spoke with ten random Yangonites at markets in Pabedan township recently, none knew how the fish they bought was raised, nor if fish from integrated farms is safe to eat.

At least one said they’d refuse to eat fish they knew were raised on chicken feed and faeces.

But they also all said they did not want to see the price of chicken or fish rise.

Editing by Danny Fenster

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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