Arakan National Party chairman confident a strong win will bring security for Buddhist Rakhines

Dr Aye Maung (Photo: Myanmar Now)

Aye Maung is the chairman of the Arakan National Party (ANP), the largest political party in Rakhine State of Myanmar after the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party of Aung San Suu Kyi.

ANP is contesting 29 seats in the Rakhine State legislature and 34 seats in the Lower and Upper Houses. In an interview with Myanmar Now, Aye Maung said that his party is expected to sweep the state, winning over 90 percent of all the contested seats. The victory, he claims, will enable the party to control the state legislature and strengthen the influence of the Buddhist Rakhines in this region, home to hundreds of stateless Rohingya Muslims and also bordering Muslim majority Bangladesh.

Aye Maung himself is contesting a state parliamentary seat in Marn Aung Island in Rakhine State and is also aiming for the position of the chief minister of Rakhine State.

Q. How is your campaign going?

 

 

Answer. As you know, this island is located at the centre of the Rakhine State and has been one of the least developed towns in this region. The roads are bad and we don’t have telephone service here. But the southern part of this island is more undeveloped than the northern part where we have fishing industry. We have a greater public support in the northern part than in the south where there is a sense of insecurity. The sense of fear means the greater influence of the USDP, I would say.

Q. Some NLD candidates said in their campaign speeches that if the Rakhine people vote for your party, there will be a split of votes that can result in the USDP winning against NLD and remaining a ruling party in the parliament. How do you respond to that?

 

 

Answer. We are fighting against the USDP and regard the NLD as our ally. But the NLD officials at the lower level do not view us as their ally. They are saying that the votes of the Rakhines will be wasted if they vote for us. So this gives a chance to the USDP to exploit the situation. But I am confident that I am getting over 60 percent of the local public in my constituency and that the ANP will win over 90 percent of all the legislative seats in the Rakhine State.

Q. We have heard about a resurgence of public support for the NLD in the southern Rakhine State after Suu Kyi visited there last month? Is that correct?

Answer. That may not be true. The NLD officials at the lower may boast to their party leaders in such a way, thinking that the NLD will repeat their victory in these towns like in 1990 general elections. But since the violence with “Bengalis” in 2012, the Rakhines have rebuilt their unity while the ANP party has penetrated down to the grassroots level.

Q. Are you saying that the NLD is not as strong in the southern parts of Rakhine State as its officials claim?

Answer. The NLD was strong before the 2012 riots but not after that. Since Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said “the majority should not bully a minority” after the incident in Taungup, all the NLD strongholds in the southern Rakhine collapsed. After contemplation about the history of their ancestors and the future of their entire race, the Rakhines realized that they need to strengthen themselves again.

Q. Did you make any attempt to form a political alliance with the NLD?

Answer. I have personally advised Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to build alliances. Her visits to the ethnic areas should be for the sake of friendship with the ethnic groups. I accept her as a leader of the public. I also adore her. But the visits to the ethnic areas should not be for canvassing purposes. They should be used for the purpose of building friendship with the ethnics. If that’s the case, then the game (the elections) will be a very good one. But since her people are attacking us in a partisan way, we have to reciprocate.

Q. How come your relation with the NLD falters though you have close relations with the NLD leadership?

Answer. We have different policy objectives. We are trying to dominate the state legislature, for which we also need to be present in the Lower and Upper Houses. We will have the political bargaining power in the bicameral parliament only if our MPs are represented there. But the NLD’s policy is “we will let you take state legislative seats but we will get all the lower and upper house seats of the Rakhine State.” That is the wrong strategy of the NLD party.

My opinion is the transition must come together with a guarantee for the rights of the ethnic groups. The union government must be a coalition government, not NLD-dominated like the current one is dominated by the USDP. The NLD would have a better chance of forming a government if it gets 20 percent of support from the ethnic parties. It cannot get its own president without the support of the ethnics in this political context.

Q. There are accusations that your party has secretly decided to work together with the USDP, and that you’ve been accusing NLD of being pro-Muslim at your campaign events.

Answer. That’s not true. The first is not true and the second is also not true. We are on the defensive here. How many were there in Rakhine in the past? It is said that around 7 million were killed during the monarchical days. Then the British colonized us. Rakhines spread out and reached Bangladesh and India. Only when Rakhine had no job or economic opportunities and became impoverished that the Rakhine people were spread all over the world. In Rakhine State now there isn’t even 1 million left. The strength of the people who have entered illegally are now almost 1 million. That’s the scariest difference. It’s been 68 years since we gained independence. The Rakhine people don’t have the authority to manage the Rakhine State. That’s why we are here – to control the Rakhine State parliament and the Rakhine State government during this transition.

Imagine – you now have a union government that is democratic and completely understands human rights. The international community puts pressure. If the union government and prime minister are from the NLD there won’t be any chance to defend (ourselves). They will start measuring (everything) using a human rights yardstick, as per their party policy. That’s why we Rakhines don’t have any choices. We need a government that sees (things) the same way. Otherwise, we will disappear.

Q. What are your expectations for the elections in Rakhine State? Do you expect that most of the seats will be won by Rakhines?

Answer. Yes, the results would be very good. Have a look – Gwa, Thandwe, Taungup, Marn Aung. It’s all good. We now know that USDP is trying to cheat with the advance votes everywhere. (If we do well) then those who are opposing us will change. NLD … would have to agree to an alliance with us behind the scenes. You have to divide power and responsibilities … The main thing is we won’t endorse and will criticize any party, including ethnic armed groups that oppose our nationalist welfare.

We want to be a state within an eternal union. We can’t let it disintegrate in our time. Future steps should be done in consultation with every member of the union.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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