Arakan National Party chairman confident a strong win will bring security for Buddhist Rakhines

Dr Aye Maung (Photo: Myanmar Now)

Aye Maung is the chairman of the Arakan National Party (ANP), the largest political party in Rakhine State of Myanmar after the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party of Aung San Suu Kyi.

ANP is contesting 29 seats in the Rakhine State legislature and 34 seats in the Lower and Upper Houses. In an interview with Myanmar Now, Aye Maung said that his party is expected to sweep the state, winning over 90 percent of all the contested seats. The victory, he claims, will enable the party to control the state legislature and strengthen the influence of the Buddhist Rakhines in this region, home to hundreds of stateless Rohingya Muslims and also bordering Muslim majority Bangladesh.

Aye Maung himself is contesting a state parliamentary seat in Marn Aung Island in Rakhine State and is also aiming for the position of the chief minister of Rakhine State.

Q. How is your campaign going?

 

 

Answer. As you know, this island is located at the centre of the Rakhine State and has been one of the least developed towns in this region. The roads are bad and we don’t have telephone service here. But the southern part of this island is more undeveloped than the northern part where we have fishing industry. We have a greater public support in the northern part than in the south where there is a sense of insecurity. The sense of fear means the greater influence of the USDP, I would say.

Q. Some NLD candidates said in their campaign speeches that if the Rakhine people vote for your party, there will be a split of votes that can result in the USDP winning against NLD and remaining a ruling party in the parliament. How do you respond to that?

 

 

Answer. We are fighting against the USDP and regard the NLD as our ally. But the NLD officials at the lower level do not view us as their ally. They are saying that the votes of the Rakhines will be wasted if they vote for us. So this gives a chance to the USDP to exploit the situation. But I am confident that I am getting over 60 percent of the local public in my constituency and that the ANP will win over 90 percent of all the legislative seats in the Rakhine State.

Q. We have heard about a resurgence of public support for the NLD in the southern Rakhine State after Suu Kyi visited there last month? Is that correct?

Answer. That may not be true. The NLD officials at the lower may boast to their party leaders in such a way, thinking that the NLD will repeat their victory in these towns like in 1990 general elections. But since the violence with “Bengalis” in 2012, the Rakhines have rebuilt their unity while the ANP party has penetrated down to the grassroots level.

Q. Are you saying that the NLD is not as strong in the southern parts of Rakhine State as its officials claim?

Answer. The NLD was strong before the 2012 riots but not after that. Since Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said “the majority should not bully a minority” after the incident in Taungup, all the NLD strongholds in the southern Rakhine collapsed. After contemplation about the history of their ancestors and the future of their entire race, the Rakhines realized that they need to strengthen themselves again.

Q. Did you make any attempt to form a political alliance with the NLD?

Answer. I have personally advised Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to build alliances. Her visits to the ethnic areas should be for the sake of friendship with the ethnic groups. I accept her as a leader of the public. I also adore her. But the visits to the ethnic areas should not be for canvassing purposes. They should be used for the purpose of building friendship with the ethnics. If that’s the case, then the game (the elections) will be a very good one. But since her people are attacking us in a partisan way, we have to reciprocate.

Q. How come your relation with the NLD falters though you have close relations with the NLD leadership?

Answer. We have different policy objectives. We are trying to dominate the state legislature, for which we also need to be present in the Lower and Upper Houses. We will have the political bargaining power in the bicameral parliament only if our MPs are represented there. But the NLD’s policy is “we will let you take state legislative seats but we will get all the lower and upper house seats of the Rakhine State.” That is the wrong strategy of the NLD party.

My opinion is the transition must come together with a guarantee for the rights of the ethnic groups. The union government must be a coalition government, not NLD-dominated like the current one is dominated by the USDP. The NLD would have a better chance of forming a government if it gets 20 percent of support from the ethnic parties. It cannot get its own president without the support of the ethnics in this political context.

Q. There are accusations that your party has secretly decided to work together with the USDP, and that you’ve been accusing NLD of being pro-Muslim at your campaign events.

Answer. That’s not true. The first is not true and the second is also not true. We are on the defensive here. How many were there in Rakhine in the past? It is said that around 7 million were killed during the monarchical days. Then the British colonized us. Rakhines spread out and reached Bangladesh and India. Only when Rakhine had no job or economic opportunities and became impoverished that the Rakhine people were spread all over the world. In Rakhine State now there isn’t even 1 million left. The strength of the people who have entered illegally are now almost 1 million. That’s the scariest difference. It’s been 68 years since we gained independence. The Rakhine people don’t have the authority to manage the Rakhine State. That’s why we are here – to control the Rakhine State parliament and the Rakhine State government during this transition.

Imagine – you now have a union government that is democratic and completely understands human rights. The international community puts pressure. If the union government and prime minister are from the NLD there won’t be any chance to defend (ourselves). They will start measuring (everything) using a human rights yardstick, as per their party policy. That’s why we Rakhines don’t have any choices. We need a government that sees (things) the same way. Otherwise, we will disappear.

Q. What are your expectations for the elections in Rakhine State? Do you expect that most of the seats will be won by Rakhines?

Answer. Yes, the results would be very good. Have a look – Gwa, Thandwe, Taungup, Marn Aung. It’s all good. We now know that USDP is trying to cheat with the advance votes everywhere. (If we do well) then those who are opposing us will change. NLD … would have to agree to an alliance with us behind the scenes. You have to divide power and responsibilities … The main thing is we won’t endorse and will criticize any party, including ethnic armed groups that oppose our nationalist welfare.

We want to be a state within an eternal union. We can’t let it disintegrate in our time. Future steps should be done in consultation with every member of the union.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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