Arakan National Party chairman confident a strong win will bring security for Buddhist Rakhines

Dr Aye Maung (Photo: Myanmar Now)
Dr Aye Maung (Photo: Myanmar Now)

Aye Maung is the chairman of the Arakan National Party (ANP), the largest political party in Rakhine State of Myanmar after the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party of Aung San Suu Kyi.

ANP is contesting 29 seats in the Rakhine State legislature and 34 seats in the Lower and Upper Houses. In an interview with Myanmar Now, Aye Maung said that his party is expected to sweep the state, winning over 90 percent of all the contested seats. The victory, he claims, will enable the party to control the state legislature and strengthen the influence of the Buddhist Rakhines in this region, home to hundreds of stateless Rohingya Muslims and also bordering Muslim majority Bangladesh.

Aye Maung himself is contesting a state parliamentary seat in Marn Aung Island in Rakhine State and is also aiming for the position of the chief minister of Rakhine State.

Q. How is your campaign going?

 

 

Answer. As you know, this island is located at the centre of the Rakhine State and has been one of the least developed towns in this region. The roads are bad and we don’t have telephone service here. But the southern part of this island is more undeveloped than the northern part where we have fishing industry. We have a greater public support in the northern part than in the south where there is a sense of insecurity. The sense of fear means the greater influence of the USDP, I would say.

Q. Some NLD candidates said in their campaign speeches that if the Rakhine people vote for your party, there will be a split of votes that can result in the USDP winning against NLD and remaining a ruling party in the parliament. How do you respond to that?

 

 

Answer. We are fighting against the USDP and regard the NLD as our ally. But the NLD officials at the lower level do not view us as their ally. They are saying that the votes of the Rakhines will be wasted if they vote for us. So this gives a chance to the USDP to exploit the situation. But I am confident that I am getting over 60 percent of the local public in my constituency and that the ANP will win over 90 percent of all the legislative seats in the Rakhine State.

Q. We have heard about a resurgence of public support for the NLD in the southern Rakhine State after Suu Kyi visited there last month? Is that correct?

Answer. That may not be true. The NLD officials at the lower may boast to their party leaders in such a way, thinking that the NLD will repeat their victory in these towns like in 1990 general elections. But since the violence with “Bengalis” in 2012, the Rakhines have rebuilt their unity while the ANP party has penetrated down to the grassroots level.

Q. Are you saying that the NLD is not as strong in the southern parts of Rakhine State as its officials claim?

Answer. The NLD was strong before the 2012 riots but not after that. Since Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said “the majority should not bully a minority” after the incident in Taungup, all the NLD strongholds in the southern Rakhine collapsed. After contemplation about the history of their ancestors and the future of their entire race, the Rakhines realized that they need to strengthen themselves again.

Q. Did you make any attempt to form a political alliance with the NLD?

Answer. I have personally advised Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to build alliances. Her visits to the ethnic areas should be for the sake of friendship with the ethnic groups. I accept her as a leader of the public. I also adore her. But the visits to the ethnic areas should not be for canvassing purposes. They should be used for the purpose of building friendship with the ethnics. If that’s the case, then the game (the elections) will be a very good one. But since her people are attacking us in a partisan way, we have to reciprocate.

Q. How come your relation with the NLD falters though you have close relations with the NLD leadership?

Answer. We have different policy objectives. We are trying to dominate the state legislature, for which we also need to be present in the Lower and Upper Houses. We will have the political bargaining power in the bicameral parliament only if our MPs are represented there. But the NLD’s policy is “we will let you take state legislative seats but we will get all the lower and upper house seats of the Rakhine State.” That is the wrong strategy of the NLD party.

My opinion is the transition must come together with a guarantee for the rights of the ethnic groups. The union government must be a coalition government, not NLD-dominated like the current one is dominated by the USDP. The NLD would have a better chance of forming a government if it gets 20 percent of support from the ethnic parties. It cannot get its own president without the support of the ethnics in this political context.

Q. There are accusations that your party has secretly decided to work together with the USDP, and that you’ve been accusing NLD of being pro-Muslim at your campaign events.

Answer. That’s not true. The first is not true and the second is also not true. We are on the defensive here. How many were there in Rakhine in the past? It is said that around 7 million were killed during the monarchical days. Then the British colonized us. Rakhines spread out and reached Bangladesh and India. Only when Rakhine had no job or economic opportunities and became impoverished that the Rakhine people were spread all over the world. In Rakhine State now there isn’t even 1 million left. The strength of the people who have entered illegally are now almost 1 million. That’s the scariest difference. It’s been 68 years since we gained independence. The Rakhine people don’t have the authority to manage the Rakhine State. That’s why we are here – to control the Rakhine State parliament and the Rakhine State government during this transition.

Imagine – you now have a union government that is democratic and completely understands human rights. The international community puts pressure. If the union government and prime minister are from the NLD there won’t be any chance to defend (ourselves). They will start measuring (everything) using a human rights yardstick, as per their party policy. That’s why we Rakhines don’t have any choices. We need a government that sees (things) the same way. Otherwise, we will disappear.

Q. What are your expectations for the elections in Rakhine State? Do you expect that most of the seats will be won by Rakhines?

Answer. Yes, the results would be very good. Have a look – Gwa, Thandwe, Taungup, Marn Aung. It’s all good. We now know that USDP is trying to cheat with the advance votes everywhere. (If we do well) then those who are opposing us will change. NLD … would have to agree to an alliance with us behind the scenes. You have to divide power and responsibilities … The main thing is we won’t endorse and will criticize any party, including ethnic armed groups that oppose our nationalist welfare.

We want to be a state within an eternal union. We can’t let it disintegrate in our time. Future steps should be done in consultation with every member of the union.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

The offensives come in the wake of deadly crackdowns against anti-coup protesters in Myitkyina 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
A KIA soldier watches from an outpost in Kachin state in this undated file photo (Kachinwave) 

The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) launched attacks against police bases in the jade mining region of Hpakant on Thursday morning, a local resident told Myanmar Now. 

The attacks targeted police battalions where soldiers were stationed near Nam Maw village in the Seik Muu village tract.

“There are Myanmar police battalions around Nam Maw,” a resident said. At least three bases were attacked, he added. 

A 41-year-old civilian in Seik Muu village injured his left hand during the clash, the Kachin-based Myitkyina News Journal reported.

The KIA has launched several offensives against the coup regime’s forces recently. Fighting has also been reported in Mogaung and Injangyang this month. 

Some 200 people fled the Injangyang villages of Gway Htaung and Tan Baung Yan on Monday after the KIA launched an offensive against the military there. 

The offenses began in the wake of deadly crackdowns against anti-coup protesters in Myitkyina. The KIA has warned the junta not to harm anti-coup protesters. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The coup regime’s forces took the injured people away and locals do not know their whereabouts 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Kalay residents move the body of a man who was shot dead on Wednesday (Supplied) 

Four young men were killed and five people were injured in the town of Kalay in Sagaing region on Wednesday as protesters continued their fight to topple the regime despite daily massacres across the country aimed at terrorizing them into submission. 

The Tahan Protest Group gathered in the town at around 10am and police and soldiers began shooting. One young man was shot dead on the spot as he tried to help people who were trapped amid gunfire, residents told Myanmar Now.   

The regime’s forces also shot at and chased fleeing protesters along roads and through narrow alleys, a resident said.

“The crowd of protesters dispersed but one person was shot dead while trying to rescue those trapped in the protest site,” the resident added. 

As the crowd dispersed, a man riding a motorcycle was shot outside a branch of KBZ Bank. “He also died,” the resident said. 

Despite the murders, protesters gathered again in the afternoon around 4pm. Police and soldiers started shooting again and killed two people. 

“They were shot dead while trying to set up barricades at the protest site. They were shot while trying to obstruct the army’s way as the army troops chased and shot the trapped protestors,” the resident said. 

The two who were killed in the morning were identified as Salai Kyong Lian Kye O, who was 25, and Kyin Khant Man, who was 27 and had three children. The identities of the other two have not yet been confirmed.

Five people were also injured and then taken away. Locals said they did not know where they had been taken.   

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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