After years abroad, former migrant workers struggle to rebuild lives in Myanmar

Migrant labour rights groups say government could be doing more to facilitate the return of migrant workers both abroad and in urban centres

Published on Dec 2, 2019

YANGON – Ei Ei Aung was working at a rice factory in Malaysia earlier this year when her grandmother back home in Myanmar became severely ill.

She decided she would return to Yangon to care for her, and then to stay home for good.

But it wasn’t that simple. She had been working in Malaysia for four years and struggled to find a job back in Yangon. 

“I was working overseas during my peak years,” the 33-year-old said. “I’m not young enough to easily get hired anymore.” 

Many employers in Myanmar refuse to hire applicants over the age of 35 or even 30. 

 

 

Myanmar’s recent political and economic reforms mean more and more people who left the country to work abroad are considering coming home. But many who return find there is little support for them from the government or potential employers.. 

Migrant advocacy groups say the government needs to do far more to help people settle back in and prevent them from going back overseas. 

 

 

Millions living abroad

Over the past few decades, millions have left Myanmar for work overseas. They go in search of better jobs and larger salaries to escape poverty.

With over two million of its citizens officially living abroad according to a 2014 census, Myanmar is one of the largest source countries of migrant workers in the Mekong region.

But experts estimate the actual number, including workers who go unregistered, could be double that. 

Around 70 percent of Myanmar migrants are based in Thailand, with many of the rest living in Malaysia, China, Singapore and the United States. 

Malaysia, where Ei Ei Aung used to work, hosts over 300,000—15 percent of all Myanmar migrants throughout the world, according to the census. 

Rural poverty is a major reason many people move for work, either to other countries or to Myanmar’s cities. 

Yangon has attracted over 1.4 million recent internal migrants, according to the census.

World Bank data shows that migrants sent an estimated $2.7 billion dollars to Myanmar in 2018, accounting for 3.8 percent of the country’s GDP.

For migrant workers who feel they have earned enough money to return home, settling back into their old lives can be tough. 

Advocacy groups have urged the Myanmar government to set up a system to help returnees navigate local job markets with the skills they acquired abroad.

Returnees often find employers aren’t interested in the skills they acquired abroad because they weren’t certified in Myanmar, said Thet Thet Aung, director of a labour rights group called Future Light Center.

As a result, many feel they have little choice but to go abroad again. “That is the most common pattern I find in my research,” she told Myanmar Now.

Jacqueline Pollock, chief technical adviser for migration projects at the International Labour Organization’s Myanmar liaison office, said one of the biggest obstacles they face upon return is a lack of official documentation, citing an ILO survey.

“Some migrants left a long time ago without any Citizen Scrutiny Card (CSC), some have lost it over the years and do not have any record of it. Without this ID, migrants can’t access many other services or get employment,” she told Myanmar Now.

The government should also set up a system so that migrants can get certified in Myanmar for the skills they learned abroad, she added. 

“Many migrants have been working in the construction industry for a long time and are highly skilled, but if they have nothing to verify these skills they would have to start at the bottom again,” she said. .

The Philippines—with more workers abroad than nearly any other Asian nations—has put policies and programs in place to reintegrate returnees, including trainings on financial literacy, money management and starting a business. It has also created a jobs database to help them find work.

 Yangon native and mother of two Wai Hnin Phyu, 35, has lived in Thailand for nine years. For the past three years she has worked as a teacher at a school for migrant children in Samut Sakhon province. 

Although she’s been considering a return, she doesn’t know how she would earn a living in Yangon, where her teaching experience in Thailand isn’t recognized. 

“I’ve been saving some money to start my own small business when I return, but I don’t know if it’s a good idea,” she said.

“If they had business opportunities at home, they wouldn’t go outside of the country to work for other people,” said Sein Htay, secretary general of the Thailand-based Migrant Worker Rights Network. 

The government must help create business models that work in sectors like agriculture, farming and tourism, and must educate returnees on how to address the obstacles their businesses will face, he said. 

Sein Htay said overseas migration drains nearly 20 percent of Myanmar’s labour force, contributing to a labour shortage in infrastructure.

‘Happy return’

Pollock said agreements between Myanmar and destination countries could include clauses requiring employers to provide employment certificates to be used as credentials upon their return. 

Holding job fairs in the countries where migrants currently work is another way to ease returns and offer skills assessments for Myanmar employers, she added.  

The South Korean government introduced an initiative in 2009 called “Happy Return” that offered skills training and recruitment services with Korean companies for returning migrant workers. 

Such initiatives are still not easily accessible to a majority of Myanmar migrant workers, said Thet Thet Aung.

Ei Ei Aung, meanwhile, has still not found any jobs that match her experience.

Struggling with uncertainty, she is now planning on starting her own flower plantation with her husband in Shan State. 

“If it doesn’t work out, I’d like to go back to Malaysia and work,” she said.

Data visualization by Phandeeyar.

Tin Htet Paing is Assistant Editor with Myanmar Now

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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