After nine years in exile, Kachin IDPs risk losing their homes to land grabbing

Government plan to close all camps leaves IDPs vulnerable to landmines, land grabs and fighting

Lu Htawng in the room her family of six shares at the St. Joseph IDP camp in Waingmaw township, Kachin state, on March 9, 2020. (Photo- Chan Thar/ Myanmar Now)

Lu Htawng had just finished building her home in June 2011 and was preparing for a housewarming ceremony when a 17-year ceasefire between the military and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) broke down.

The fighting raged close by, so instead of welcoming people to her new home she had to abandon it, fleeing Da Bat Yang village like everyone else.

The 64-year-old mother of four has since lived with her family in the cramped St. Joseph camp for internally displaced people (IDPs), where they are plagued by unexploded landmines and an ongoing armed conflict.

On Tuesday Lu Htawng marked a grim anniversary; it has been nine years since the war in Kachin restarted.

The fighting has become less severe in recent years, but about 120,000 people are still stranded in squalid IDP camps throughout Kachin and northern Shan state.

 

 

Since 2017 the governing National League for Democracy (NLD) has pushed to close camps and return all IDPs nationwide. It unveiled a new national strategy in December, but critics say the plan is poorly thought through.

Many of the townships that IDPs fled are still littered with landmines, and the military and KIA have not signed a ceasefire. A 2012 law gave the government and private companies the ability to requisition vacated land, raising fears IDPs might lose the land they had to flee. Some have returned to villages before it is safe because they are worried companies or the government will take their land.

 

 

‘Nothing is left’

Lu Htawng and her family are on a list of first-round returnees in Kachin state scheduled for later this year.

Myanmar Now joined her in March for a visit to Da Bat Yang, in Waingmaw township - her first time back since she fled. She said the village was unrecognizable.

“Nothing is left,” she said, surveying the landscape. Weeds had overtaken everything. Homes were missing their bamboo-matted walls.

She found her house miraculously still intact, save for her once-lush front yard, which had been bulldozed and turned into a parking lot. Three construction trucks idled there. The state government was repairing a nearby road.

Then she saw the road workers were living in her home. She began to cry.

“How do we start everything all over again?” she said.

NLD plan disrupted

The number of IDP camps in Myanmar is a disputed matter.

There are 177 in Kachin and northern Shan state alone, according to the Joint Strategy Team (JST), a group of local humanitarian organisations. But there are just 128 across the entire country, according to the government’s resettlement ministry.

In December 2019 the NLD government unveiled a national strategy - written in consultation with UN agencies, civil society groups and IDPs themselves - to close all of them and send their residents home. It largely depends on working with a host of regional actors in different ethnic areas.

The faith-based Kachin Humanitarian Concern Committee (KHCC) has been a major player in Kachin, where since 2017 it has worked with the governmental National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC) on returns.

In 2018 the KHCC found 24 among the more than 200 abandoned villages it surveyed that it said were safe for returns. It drafted a plan with the state government for 10,000 IDPs to return to 17 of them by this May. Then the coronavirus pandemic hit.

“We are focusing on Covid-19 now,” KHCC joint secretary Naw Latt told Myanmar Now. “We cannot work on safely returning IDPs at the moment.”

He said the group asked for the NRPC’s cooperation on the plan earlier this year but never heard back.

Myanmar Now was unable to reach an NRPC spokesperson for comment.

The Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO), the KIA’s political wing, also submitted a plan to the KHCC, which submitted that plan to the NRPC in January.

Naw Latt said they’re waiting to hear back from the NRPC before making details of the plan public.

Kachin state border affairs minister Nay Lin Tun, a serving Tatmadaw colonel, said he told state officials and the NRPC that many homes will need to be repaired at a cost of about 750,000 kyat ($535) per house before IDPs can return. They have not yet determined how many homes need repairing.

Funds for that would come from the national budget. He said he is also still waiting to hear back from the NRPC.

Additionally, the country’s resettlement ministry plans to send an initial 93 families back to Da Bat Yang and in Talawgyi, a village in Myitkyina township, but those plans were also stalled by the Covid-19 pandemic, a ministry spokesperson told Myanmar Now.

Later plans include additional returns to Waingmaw, Mansi and Chiphwe townships.

‘We won’t resettle before a ceasefire’

Civil society groups and IDPs themselves have urged the government not to send IDPs home until several concerns are addressed.

The war rumbles on, and the military still maintains bases in several townships - including one near Da Bat Yang.

This troubles Maran Htu, 32, who is also among the list of initial returnees to Da Bat Yang.

“I’m afraid they will start fighting again once we are back,” she told Myanmar Now at her home in the St. Joseph camp.

She said she’s asked the camp to allow her back if that happens.

Religious leaders say returns cannot take place until a bilateral ceasefire is signed.

The KIA is one of the many ethnic armed groups that have so far refused to sign the National Ceasefire Agreement drafted in 2013 by the military, the Thein Sein government and several armed ethnic groups.

“Most of the IDP camps are in KIA-controlled areas,” said Dr Hkalam Samson, KHCC chair and Kachin Baptist Convention president. “Camp closures can’t be done unilaterally.”

KIA spokesperson Naw Bu agreed.

“We want to continue discussions that have been interrupted by the Covid-19 outbreak,” he said. “We will only resettle people once there is a ceasefire.”

‘Perfect storm’

The 2012 Vacant, Fallow and Virgin Land Management Law gives the government and private companies the ability to requisition vacated land.

Because of an amendment passed in 2018, anyone who has left their land but wants to retain their claim to it had to apply for a certificate by March 11, 2019.

Those who haven’t claimed could have their land taken by the government or handed to a private company, and could even be jailed for two years if they use the land.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) said the law incentivized land grabbing by state authorities in traditional villages like those the IDPs have fled, where land is passed from one generation to the next by custom rather than law.

“Large numbers of people in Myanmar are unaware of the law and the risks of not filing a claim, or have been displaced by armed conflict and are unable to file for a permit,” said Brad Adams, HRW Asia director.

An editorial written by an IDP for the Transnational Institute think tank described the confluence of the 2018 amendment, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the camp closure plan as a “perfect storm” for returning IDPs.

The law “paved a ‘legal’ way for land that was left idle and unused for several years to be seized by the government and reallocated to others, regardless of circumstances like war,” the editorial said. “It seems that in the eyes of the Myanmar elite, and in the light of (the) BRI agenda, ‘economic development’ means that our lands are needed, but we are not.”

Maran Htu is worried Chinese agriculture companies - which started investing heavily in Kachin state in 2011 - will soon take her land.

“They are already starting to take land in our village.” she said. “We need to be there to make claims on it.”

Several companies have expanded watermelon, pepper and tissue-cultured banana plantations, among other crops, into land conceded to them after being left by IDPs in Waingmaw township in 2017, according to the Kachin-based Lisu Civil Society Organisation.

Surrounded by landmines

The military unilaterally sent 600 IDPs back to Nam San Yam village, in Waingmaw, in two groups in January and March 2019 - a move that angered Kachin activists and religious leaders, who felt cut out of the process.

Nam San Yam, once a village of more than 1,000 on the Myintkyina-Bhamo Road, has been a site of major conflict. It is within KIA territory, but a military base is stationed there as well.

The area is littered with landmines, left by both the military and the KIA throughout the region. In 2019 mines killed eight civilians and wounded 21 in Kachin, according to state government figures.

Nay Lin Tun said they can’t be cleared until both sides have signed a ceasefire.

Jan Ma Doi, who is among the 60o that have returned to Nam San Yam, told Myanmar Now she’ll only walk where she can see others have already stepped.

“I don’t dare go where there aren’t already footprints,” she said.

Most of her family is still at a camp near Laiza, where KIA headquarters are.

Hkun Ra, 60, also returned to Nam San Yam. She said the village is regularly visited by troops from both sides, and residents are confined to within a one-mile radius of the village.

“We’ve all been depressed ever since coming back,” she said.

Six of her eight children remain at another camp near Laiza. She said she won’t bring them home until things are safe.

Throughout the region, schools and electricity and water supplies have been heavily damaged by the fighting, and many returnees have found they’ve lost their land, houses and cattle, a study published last year by the JST found.

It surveyed 95 returnees and found three primary reasons they’d come back: a lack of work in the camps, worsening camp conditions and fear of losing their land.

For others, though, the reasons are more personal.

“I have returned home because this is where I want to die,” Hkun Ra said.

A glimmer of hope

About 300 St. Joseph camp residents have taken matters into their own hands.

They are trying to move into two villages - Kyuntaw and Uri Mongya Ran - that are two miles from the camp.

“They bought the land themselves. They want to build houses since they can’t go back to their villages,” camp officer Lwan Zal said.

Naw Tawng, 44, bought a plot in Uri Mongya Ran for 500,000 kyat.

“It’s uncomfortable living in a small room [at St Joseph],” the father of four told Myanmar Now.

During his nine years at St. Joseph, Naw Tawng often tried to visit his former village of Kan Taw Yang, on the outskirts of Waingmaw near the China-Myanmar border, but could never get too close. The military had a base there and would not let him in.

“Even if others can return to their villages, we can’t, because the Tatmadaw and the KIA are there,” he said.

In Uri Mongya Ran he will have his own house with a yard, and his four children can attend school there - which he doesn’t think is possible in his home village anymore.

“The house I move into doesn’t have to be beautiful,” he said. “But a person has no dignity without a house and some land.”

Translated by Swe Zin Moe.

Editing by Danny Fenster.

 

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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