After nine years in exile, Kachin IDPs risk losing their homes to land grabbing

Government plan to close all camps leaves IDPs vulnerable to landmines, land grabs and fighting

Lu Htawng in the room her family of six shares at the St. Joseph IDP camp in Waingmaw township, Kachin state, on March 9, 2020. (Photo- Chan Thar/ Myanmar Now)

Lu Htawng had just finished building her home in June 2011 and was preparing for a housewarming ceremony when a 17-year ceasefire between the military and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) broke down.

The fighting raged close by, so instead of welcoming people to her new home she had to abandon it, fleeing Da Bat Yang village like everyone else.

The 64-year-old mother of four has since lived with her family in the cramped St. Joseph camp for internally displaced people (IDPs), where they are plagued by unexploded landmines and an ongoing armed conflict.

On Tuesday Lu Htawng marked a grim anniversary; it has been nine years since the war in Kachin restarted.

The fighting has become less severe in recent years, but about 120,000 people are still stranded in squalid IDP camps throughout Kachin and northern Shan state.

 

 

Since 2017 the governing National League for Democracy (NLD) has pushed to close camps and return all IDPs nationwide. It unveiled a new national strategy in December, but critics say the plan is poorly thought through.

Many of the townships that IDPs fled are still littered with landmines, and the military and KIA have not signed a ceasefire. A 2012 law gave the government and private companies the ability to requisition vacated land, raising fears IDPs might lose the land they had to flee. Some have returned to villages before it is safe because they are worried companies or the government will take their land.

 

 

‘Nothing is left’

Lu Htawng and her family are on a list of first-round returnees in Kachin state scheduled for later this year.

Myanmar Now joined her in March for a visit to Da Bat Yang, in Waingmaw township - her first time back since she fled. She said the village was unrecognizable.

“Nothing is left,” she said, surveying the landscape. Weeds had overtaken everything. Homes were missing their bamboo-matted walls.

She found her house miraculously still intact, save for her once-lush front yard, which had been bulldozed and turned into a parking lot. Three construction trucks idled there. The state government was repairing a nearby road.

Then she saw the road workers were living in her home. She began to cry.

“How do we start everything all over again?” she said.

NLD plan disrupted

The number of IDP camps in Myanmar is a disputed matter.

There are 177 in Kachin and northern Shan state alone, according to the Joint Strategy Team (JST), a group of local humanitarian organisations. But there are just 128 across the entire country, according to the government’s resettlement ministry.

In December 2019 the NLD government unveiled a national strategy - written in consultation with UN agencies, civil society groups and IDPs themselves - to close all of them and send their residents home. It largely depends on working with a host of regional actors in different ethnic areas.

The faith-based Kachin Humanitarian Concern Committee (KHCC) has been a major player in Kachin, where since 2017 it has worked with the governmental National Reconciliation and Peace Center (NRPC) on returns.

In 2018 the KHCC found 24 among the more than 200 abandoned villages it surveyed that it said were safe for returns. It drafted a plan with the state government for 10,000 IDPs to return to 17 of them by this May. Then the coronavirus pandemic hit.

“We are focusing on Covid-19 now,” KHCC joint secretary Naw Latt told Myanmar Now. “We cannot work on safely returning IDPs at the moment.”

He said the group asked for the NRPC’s cooperation on the plan earlier this year but never heard back.

Myanmar Now was unable to reach an NRPC spokesperson for comment.

The Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO), the KIA’s political wing, also submitted a plan to the KHCC, which submitted that plan to the NRPC in January.

Naw Latt said they’re waiting to hear back from the NRPC before making details of the plan public.

Kachin state border affairs minister Nay Lin Tun, a serving Tatmadaw colonel, said he told state officials and the NRPC that many homes will need to be repaired at a cost of about 750,000 kyat ($535) per house before IDPs can return. They have not yet determined how many homes need repairing.

Funds for that would come from the national budget. He said he is also still waiting to hear back from the NRPC.

Additionally, the country’s resettlement ministry plans to send an initial 93 families back to Da Bat Yang and in Talawgyi, a village in Myitkyina township, but those plans were also stalled by the Covid-19 pandemic, a ministry spokesperson told Myanmar Now.

Later plans include additional returns to Waingmaw, Mansi and Chiphwe townships.

‘We won’t resettle before a ceasefire’

Civil society groups and IDPs themselves have urged the government not to send IDPs home until several concerns are addressed.

The war rumbles on, and the military still maintains bases in several townships - including one near Da Bat Yang.

This troubles Maran Htu, 32, who is also among the list of initial returnees to Da Bat Yang.

“I’m afraid they will start fighting again once we are back,” she told Myanmar Now at her home in the St. Joseph camp.

She said she’s asked the camp to allow her back if that happens.

Religious leaders say returns cannot take place until a bilateral ceasefire is signed.

The KIA is one of the many ethnic armed groups that have so far refused to sign the National Ceasefire Agreement drafted in 2013 by the military, the Thein Sein government and several armed ethnic groups.

“Most of the IDP camps are in KIA-controlled areas,” said Dr Hkalam Samson, KHCC chair and Kachin Baptist Convention president. “Camp closures can’t be done unilaterally.”

KIA spokesperson Naw Bu agreed.

“We want to continue discussions that have been interrupted by the Covid-19 outbreak,” he said. “We will only resettle people once there is a ceasefire.”

‘Perfect storm’

The 2012 Vacant, Fallow and Virgin Land Management Law gives the government and private companies the ability to requisition vacated land.

Because of an amendment passed in 2018, anyone who has left their land but wants to retain their claim to it had to apply for a certificate by March 11, 2019.

Those who haven’t claimed could have their land taken by the government or handed to a private company, and could even be jailed for two years if they use the land.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) said the law incentivized land grabbing by state authorities in traditional villages like those the IDPs have fled, where land is passed from one generation to the next by custom rather than law.

“Large numbers of people in Myanmar are unaware of the law and the risks of not filing a claim, or have been displaced by armed conflict and are unable to file for a permit,” said Brad Adams, HRW Asia director.

An editorial written by an IDP for the Transnational Institute think tank described the confluence of the 2018 amendment, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the camp closure plan as a “perfect storm” for returning IDPs.

The law “paved a ‘legal’ way for land that was left idle and unused for several years to be seized by the government and reallocated to others, regardless of circumstances like war,” the editorial said. “It seems that in the eyes of the Myanmar elite, and in the light of (the) BRI agenda, ‘economic development’ means that our lands are needed, but we are not.”

Maran Htu is worried Chinese agriculture companies - which started investing heavily in Kachin state in 2011 - will soon take her land.

“They are already starting to take land in our village.” she said. “We need to be there to make claims on it.”

Several companies have expanded watermelon, pepper and tissue-cultured banana plantations, among other crops, into land conceded to them after being left by IDPs in Waingmaw township in 2017, according to the Kachin-based Lisu Civil Society Organisation.

Surrounded by landmines

The military unilaterally sent 600 IDPs back to Nam San Yam village, in Waingmaw, in two groups in January and March 2019 - a move that angered Kachin activists and religious leaders, who felt cut out of the process.

Nam San Yam, once a village of more than 1,000 on the Myintkyina-Bhamo Road, has been a site of major conflict. It is within KIA territory, but a military base is stationed there as well.

The area is littered with landmines, left by both the military and the KIA throughout the region. In 2019 mines killed eight civilians and wounded 21 in Kachin, according to state government figures.

Nay Lin Tun said they can’t be cleared until both sides have signed a ceasefire.

Jan Ma Doi, who is among the 60o that have returned to Nam San Yam, told Myanmar Now she’ll only walk where she can see others have already stepped.

“I don’t dare go where there aren’t already footprints,” she said.

Most of her family is still at a camp near Laiza, where KIA headquarters are.

Hkun Ra, 60, also returned to Nam San Yam. She said the village is regularly visited by troops from both sides, and residents are confined to within a one-mile radius of the village.

“We’ve all been depressed ever since coming back,” she said.

Six of her eight children remain at another camp near Laiza. She said she won’t bring them home until things are safe.

Throughout the region, schools and electricity and water supplies have been heavily damaged by the fighting, and many returnees have found they’ve lost their land, houses and cattle, a study published last year by the JST found.

It surveyed 95 returnees and found three primary reasons they’d come back: a lack of work in the camps, worsening camp conditions and fear of losing their land.

For others, though, the reasons are more personal.

“I have returned home because this is where I want to die,” Hkun Ra said.

A glimmer of hope

About 300 St. Joseph camp residents have taken matters into their own hands.

They are trying to move into two villages - Kyuntaw and Uri Mongya Ran - that are two miles from the camp.

“They bought the land themselves. They want to build houses since they can’t go back to their villages,” camp officer Lwan Zal said.

Naw Tawng, 44, bought a plot in Uri Mongya Ran for 500,000 kyat.

“It’s uncomfortable living in a small room [at St Joseph],” the father of four told Myanmar Now.

During his nine years at St. Joseph, Naw Tawng often tried to visit his former village of Kan Taw Yang, on the outskirts of Waingmaw near the China-Myanmar border, but could never get too close. The military had a base there and would not let him in.

“Even if others can return to their villages, we can’t, because the Tatmadaw and the KIA are there,” he said.

In Uri Mongya Ran he will have his own house with a yard, and his four children can attend school there - which he doesn’t think is possible in his home village anymore.

“The house I move into doesn’t have to be beautiful,” he said. “But a person has no dignity without a house and some land.”

Translated by Swe Zin Moe.

Editing by Danny Fenster.

 

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading

A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading

Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading