Activists urge NLD government to scrap repressive laws 

With dozens of political prisoners still behind bars, calls are growing for the ruling party to end the former junta’s legal legacy

Published on Nov 27, 2020
Published on Nov 27, 2020
Student union members hold an anti-war protest in Yangon in July 2019. (Photo: Sai Zaw/Myanmar Now) 
Student union members hold an anti-war protest in Yangon in July 2019. (Photo: Sai Zaw/Myanmar Now) 

Five years after coming to power, the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) has done little to end some of the worst practices of the past, say activists who hope to see progress on this front in the party’s next term in office.

Pointing to the continued incarceration of dozens of political prisoners, these activists say that it is time for the ruling party—which emerged from the struggle against military rule—to remove repressive laws once and for all.

At present, there are at least 30 political prisoners still behind bars in Myanmar, and twice that many out on bail awaiting trial on charges under draconian laws drafted by the former colonial government or successive military dictatorships. 

Of these, around half are student union members serving or facing prison sentences for a host of offenses, from organizing anti-war protests and calling for an end the Internet blackout in Rakhine state to participating in labour strikes and criticizing university authorities.

 

 

Over the past five years, government or military authorities have filed more than 190 lawsuits against student activists for alleged violations of some of the country’s most outdated laws, including sections 505(a) and (b) of the colonial-era penal code, which makes it a crime to publish or circulate “any statement, rumour or report” that could incite members of the public to commit offences against the state or “public tranquillity”. 

More recent laws, such as the Telecommunications Law and the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Law, both introduced under the quasi-civilian administration of former president Thein Sein, have also been invoked to silence critics of the government or military. In addition, some have been sued for contempt of court.

 

 

For some, the situation has barely improved at all after five years of NLD rule. “If students and the people are still being oppressed by those who would rather use these laws than repeal them, then it is no better than what we went through under the military regime,” said Kyaw Ko Ko, the former chair of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU).

The ABFSU has historically been at the forefront of the struggle for political freedom in Myanmar, ever since the country’s independence leaders first rose up against its British colonizers. Now, however, some say that it is inappropriate for it to continue these efforts under a government led by the NLD—as if the ABFSU were a greater impediment to progress than laws forged under repressive regimes of the past.

The government has, at times, suggested that it simply can’t change these laws for practical or political reasons. However, Aung Myo Kyaw, the head of the Yangon office of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, noted that the government has successfully amended a number of laws, including the Guest Registration Law, so it should be able to make some headway with laws that restrict people’s freedoms. 

The problem, he said, is that many in the government fail to see the need to make changes to laws that often prove useful in times of crisis. When they do decide to do something about them, they face resistance from the military and the Ministry of Home Affairs and quickly retreat. 

But NLD spokesperson Dr Myo Nyunt said that the party is open to amending laws that legal experts and the people deem to be outdated or inappropriate. “Under the current political circumstances, these laws are sometimes used,” he said, but added: “If the people say they should not be used, we have to think about that.”

Su Yadanar Myint, a member of the Peacock Generation Thangyat group who was released from prison in August after serving a two-year sentence under section 505(a) of the penal code and section 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law for criticizing the military, said it was “nonsense” for politicians to tell students that they shouldn’t continue their activism just because the NLD now holds power.

She noted that when the NLD was in opposition, it was on the right side of the same issues that student activists are still fighting for. When the Letpadan student protests broke out under the Thein Sein government over the National Education Law, for example, the NLD called it a “democracy issue”. Today, however, it is more likely to see it as a “law and order” issue.

This past year has been the worst in terms of prosecutions against student activists under the NLD government. Since the beginning of 2020, a total of 34 student union members have been taken to court to face charges stemming from their political activism. 

While most protests are directed at the military for its human rights abuses in Rakhine and Chin states, where it is fighting an ongoing civil war, many students are increasingly critical of the NLD for its silence on these abuses. 

“The NLD-appointed chief minister of Rakhine state has ignored the military’s crimes against humanity in Rakhine state and has not taken a firm stand for the people,” said Khaing Soe Lin, treasurer of the Rakhine State Students' Union.

Now that the NLD has won another resounding victory at the polls, expectations will be high that the party will finally deliver on its promises to prioritise the rights of the people over the might of the military. So far, however, it has fallen far short of the hopes of those with whom it once shared a common cause. 

Khin Moh Moh Lwin is Reporter with Myanmar Now.

Myo Set Pai is Fact-Checking Reporter with Myanmar Now

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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