Activists urge NLD government to scrap repressive laws 

With dozens of political prisoners still behind bars, calls are growing for the ruling party to end the former junta’s legal legacy

Student union members hold an anti-war protest in Yangon in July 2019. (Photo: Sai Zaw/Myanmar Now) 

Five years after coming to power, the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) has done little to end some of the worst practices of the past, say activists who hope to see progress on this front in the party’s next term in office.

Pointing to the continued incarceration of dozens of political prisoners, these activists say that it is time for the ruling party—which emerged from the struggle against military rule—to remove repressive laws once and for all.

At present, there are at least 30 political prisoners still behind bars in Myanmar, and twice that many out on bail awaiting trial on charges under draconian laws drafted by the former colonial government or successive military dictatorships. 

Of these, around half are student union members serving or facing prison sentences for a host of offenses, from organizing anti-war protests and calling for an end the Internet blackout in Rakhine state to participating in labour strikes and criticizing university authorities.

 

 

Over the past five years, government or military authorities have filed more than 190 lawsuits against student activists for alleged violations of some of the country’s most outdated laws, including sections 505(a) and (b) of the colonial-era penal code, which makes it a crime to publish or circulate “any statement, rumour or report” that could incite members of the public to commit offences against the state or “public tranquillity”. 

More recent laws, such as the Telecommunications Law and the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Law, both introduced under the quasi-civilian administration of former president Thein Sein, have also been invoked to silence critics of the government or military. In addition, some have been sued for contempt of court.

 

 

For some, the situation has barely improved at all after five years of NLD rule. “If students and the people are still being oppressed by those who would rather use these laws than repeal them, then it is no better than what we went through under the military regime,” said Kyaw Ko Ko, the former chair of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU).

The ABFSU has historically been at the forefront of the struggle for political freedom in Myanmar, ever since the country’s independence leaders first rose up against its British colonizers. Now, however, some say that it is inappropriate for it to continue these efforts under a government led by the NLD—as if the ABFSU were a greater impediment to progress than laws forged under repressive regimes of the past.

The government has, at times, suggested that it simply can’t change these laws for practical or political reasons. However, Aung Myo Kyaw, the head of the Yangon office of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, noted that the government has successfully amended a number of laws, including the Guest Registration Law, so it should be able to make some headway with laws that restrict people’s freedoms. 

The problem, he said, is that many in the government fail to see the need to make changes to laws that often prove useful in times of crisis. When they do decide to do something about them, they face resistance from the military and the Ministry of Home Affairs and quickly retreat. 

But NLD spokesperson Dr Myo Nyunt said that the party is open to amending laws that legal experts and the people deem to be outdated or inappropriate. “Under the current political circumstances, these laws are sometimes used,” he said, but added: “If the people say they should not be used, we have to think about that.”

Su Yadanar Myint, a member of the Peacock Generation Thangyat group who was released from prison in August after serving a two-year sentence under section 505(a) of the penal code and section 66(d) of the Telecommunications Law for criticizing the military, said it was “nonsense” for politicians to tell students that they shouldn’t continue their activism just because the NLD now holds power.

She noted that when the NLD was in opposition, it was on the right side of the same issues that student activists are still fighting for. When the Letpadan student protests broke out under the Thein Sein government over the National Education Law, for example, the NLD called it a “democracy issue”. Today, however, it is more likely to see it as a “law and order” issue.

This past year has been the worst in terms of prosecutions against student activists under the NLD government. Since the beginning of 2020, a total of 34 student union members have been taken to court to face charges stemming from their political activism. 

While most protests are directed at the military for its human rights abuses in Rakhine and Chin states, where it is fighting an ongoing civil war, many students are increasingly critical of the NLD for its silence on these abuses. 

“The NLD-appointed chief minister of Rakhine state has ignored the military’s crimes against humanity in Rakhine state and has not taken a firm stand for the people,” said Khaing Soe Lin, treasurer of the Rakhine State Students' Union.

Now that the NLD has won another resounding victory at the polls, expectations will be high that the party will finally deliver on its promises to prioritise the rights of the people over the might of the military. So far, however, it has fallen far short of the hopes of those with whom it once shared a common cause. 

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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