Activists in race to push an apathetic electorate to register and vote

USDP members campaigning in Myaungmya in September, 2015. (Photo: Mizzima)
USDP members campaigning in Myaungmya in September, 2015. (Photo: Mizzima)

On a recent hot afternoon on a bustling street in Hlaing Thayar Township, residents and stall keepers were shading themselves from the blistering sun, but a group of youth activists clad in blue T-shirts were undeterred in their efforts to motivate would-be voters.

“Soon there will be elections that could change our future. You have the freedom to vote for your preferred candidates, but you will only be able to do so if your name is on the voter list,” a member of the Independent Youth For Change announced through a handheld speaker to passers-by. “We urge you to check the voter list.”

Hlaing Thayar Township, a sprawling mix of shanty towns and industrial estates on Yangon’s northern outskirts, has emerged as one of the main areas in the city affected by widespread voter registration problems. The issue could leave tens of thousands of people in the township - and many more nationwide – without the opportunity to vote in Myanmar’s landmark polls on Nov. 8.

Concerned activists and opposition party candidates are trying to mobilise voters in the area to make sure their names are correctly registered on voter lists. But the time left to do this is fast running out, the procedures involved complicated, and public interest in the election preparations is low.

 

 

“I’m really worried they may not be able to vote despite their eligibility,” Than Myint, a Lower House candidate for the National League for Democracy (NLD) in Hlaing Thayar Township, told Myanmar Now.

Criticism over errors on voters list have filled Myanmar's social and mainstream media, with complaints ranging from incorrect birth dates, names and national registration numbers to the inclusion of deceased people and the omission of eligible voters.

 

 

The Union Election Commission (UEC) has blamed errors on software problems and said it is the responsibility of voters to ensure their names and details have been correctly listed.

But Aye Boh, an Upper House candidate for the opposition NLD, said he believed inaccuracies in the voter list were more than simple errors.

“I think the (UEC) did it so people would be frustrated and disappointed,” he said in a phone interview, declining to discuss the motivations of the electoral commission.

In Hlaing Thayar, residents viewed the problems with a mix of concern and resignation, the latter a result of a deep distrust of the government and political process after decades of military rule.

Moe Moe Mying, a customer in a grocery shop, was cynical when asked about registering for the general election, saying the lists had already been manipulated and even bulked out with the names of people who had died. “The dead are on the list but the living are excluded. No point in checking,” she said.

Some residents who attempted to correct the lists said their complaints had not been properly addressed by local election commission officials.

Aung Thein Myint, whose family has lived in the area for years, said he checked the voter list when it was released in April and found that his adult daughter’s name was missing. He filled in a form to correct it, only to discover to his astonishment that in the updated voter list all his family members had disappeared, and another family was registered at his home address.

“I’m going to lodge a complaint if this doesn’t change,” he said, adding, “I voted in the 1990 and 2010 elections, I just showed my identity card. This time, the process is so complicated.”

PUBLIC APATHY

The UEC has said it is up to voters to check the accuracy of the lists. Its chairman, Tin Aye, stated on Sept. 12 he could only guarantee a 30 percent accuracy rate for nationwide voter lists as the public had failed to actively verify their names on voter lists.

The deadline to file an application for voter list changes closed on Sept. 27. Migrant workers, however, could apply for voter registration until Oct. 10, according to the UEC.

The People’s Alliance for Credible Elections (PACE), a coalition of local NGOs observing the election preparations and the polls, said in a statement on Sept. 21 that it was concerned over low levels of voter participation and awareness raising on the issue.

“In centres observed, PACE saw low levels of voter turnout and low levels of voters making changes or additions to the list.”

Saung Kha, a youth activist and poet, said he joined the Independent Youth For Change campaign as the public needed to be stirred into action to register and turn out to vote on Nov. 8.

“People have experience with elections in the past, but they have lost trust because previous elections did not lead to genuine change,” he told Myanmar Now.

INTERNAL MIGRANTS FACE REGISTRATION HURDLES

In Hlaing Thayar, according recurrent reports in local media, voter list inaccuracies are widespread, despite two rounds of updating of the lists by the local election sub-commission.

This is because many in Hlaing Thayar are migrants from the countryside or residents of illegal slums who often lack household registration certificates used to compile the voter lists.

The UEC has said migrants who are not on the list can apply for voter registration until Oct. 10 by submitting an application form called 3A. This requires applicants to obtain a letter of reference from their ward official and to prove they lived in the area for more than 180 days. Otherwise, they have to return to their former constituency to vote.

Voters and opposition candidates in Hlaing Thayar said the registration options are unclear and cumbersome, and local officials were not always cooperative.

Thinkhar Kyaw, a Hlaing Thayar Lower House candidate for the Rakhine National Development Party, estimated there were some 80,000 migrant workers from Rakhine State employed at local factories who should be eligible to vote, but as few as 10 percent were correctly registered.

“I’m trying to motivate them to fill in the 3A form. Now they are trying to register,” he said, adding that it was often difficult for migrants to prove to local officials that they had lived in the area for at least six months.

NO SOLUTIONS

North Yangon District election sub-commission chairman Aung Khine told Myanmar Now that an estimated 500,000 voters had been properly registered to vote in Hlaing Thayar Township by late September.

He said he was unaware of how many more potential voters were still missing from the lists. He refused to acknowledge that voter registration problems were widespread and said migrants left off the list still had time to submit the 3A form.

He said the behaviour of some illegal squatters in Hlaing Thayar had hindered the registration process: “It’s very hard to register them because they are not interested in the elections and beat the officials who come to register them.”

PACE spokesman Sai Ye Kyawswar Myint said the UEC had shown little initiative in addressing the problems that migrants or squatters face in registering for the Nov. 8 polls.

“We haven't seen any solutions from the UEC regarding this problem. The UEC always said these illegal residents have a place to vote in their native (constituency); the UEC doesn't work on this case with any special policy,” he said.

Saung Kha said his organisation was campaigning in Hlaing Thayar, Shwepyithar, Hmawbi and Dala townships, all poor neighbourhoods on Yangon’s outskirts, in order to encourage the large migrant populations to register to vote.

The campaign, he said, is funded by online donations and with financial support from friends, some of which was used to print 12,000 stickers that read: ’Choose your own future by voting in the elections!’

Saung Kha said, “We are doing this because we don’t have trust in the UEC. If people have knowledge of the voting process, it’s tough for the electoral body to lie to us.”

Courtesy of Myanmar Now

Phyo Thiha Cho is Senior Reporter with Myanmar Now.

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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