Activists in race to push an apathetic electorate to register and vote

USDP members campaigning in Myaungmya in September, 2015. (Photo: Mizzima)

On a recent hot afternoon on a bustling street in Hlaing Thayar Township, residents and stall keepers were shading themselves from the blistering sun, but a group of youth activists clad in blue T-shirts were undeterred in their efforts to motivate would-be voters.

“Soon there will be elections that could change our future. You have the freedom to vote for your preferred candidates, but you will only be able to do so if your name is on the voter list,” a member of the Independent Youth For Change announced through a handheld speaker to passers-by. “We urge you to check the voter list.”

Hlaing Thayar Township, a sprawling mix of shanty towns and industrial estates on Yangon’s northern outskirts, has emerged as one of the main areas in the city affected by widespread voter registration problems. The issue could leave tens of thousands of people in the township - and many more nationwide – without the opportunity to vote in Myanmar’s landmark polls on Nov. 8.

Concerned activists and opposition party candidates are trying to mobilise voters in the area to make sure their names are correctly registered on voter lists. But the time left to do this is fast running out, the procedures involved complicated, and public interest in the election preparations is low.

 

 

“I’m really worried they may not be able to vote despite their eligibility,” Than Myint, a Lower House candidate for the National League for Democracy (NLD) in Hlaing Thayar Township, told Myanmar Now.

Criticism over errors on voters list have filled Myanmar's social and mainstream media, with complaints ranging from incorrect birth dates, names and national registration numbers to the inclusion of deceased people and the omission of eligible voters.

 

 

The Union Election Commission (UEC) has blamed errors on software problems and said it is the responsibility of voters to ensure their names and details have been correctly listed.

But Aye Boh, an Upper House candidate for the opposition NLD, said he believed inaccuracies in the voter list were more than simple errors.

“I think the (UEC) did it so people would be frustrated and disappointed,” he said in a phone interview, declining to discuss the motivations of the electoral commission.

In Hlaing Thayar, residents viewed the problems with a mix of concern and resignation, the latter a result of a deep distrust of the government and political process after decades of military rule.

Moe Moe Mying, a customer in a grocery shop, was cynical when asked about registering for the general election, saying the lists had already been manipulated and even bulked out with the names of people who had died. “The dead are on the list but the living are excluded. No point in checking,” she said.

Some residents who attempted to correct the lists said their complaints had not been properly addressed by local election commission officials.

Aung Thein Myint, whose family has lived in the area for years, said he checked the voter list when it was released in April and found that his adult daughter’s name was missing. He filled in a form to correct it, only to discover to his astonishment that in the updated voter list all his family members had disappeared, and another family was registered at his home address.

“I’m going to lodge a complaint if this doesn’t change,” he said, adding, “I voted in the 1990 and 2010 elections, I just showed my identity card. This time, the process is so complicated.”

PUBLIC APATHY

The UEC has said it is up to voters to check the accuracy of the lists. Its chairman, Tin Aye, stated on Sept. 12 he could only guarantee a 30 percent accuracy rate for nationwide voter lists as the public had failed to actively verify their names on voter lists.

The deadline to file an application for voter list changes closed on Sept. 27. Migrant workers, however, could apply for voter registration until Oct. 10, according to the UEC.

The People’s Alliance for Credible Elections (PACE), a coalition of local NGOs observing the election preparations and the polls, said in a statement on Sept. 21 that it was concerned over low levels of voter participation and awareness raising on the issue.

“In centres observed, PACE saw low levels of voter turnout and low levels of voters making changes or additions to the list.”

Saung Kha, a youth activist and poet, said he joined the Independent Youth For Change campaign as the public needed to be stirred into action to register and turn out to vote on Nov. 8.

“People have experience with elections in the past, but they have lost trust because previous elections did not lead to genuine change,” he told Myanmar Now.

INTERNAL MIGRANTS FACE REGISTRATION HURDLES

In Hlaing Thayar, according recurrent reports in local media, voter list inaccuracies are widespread, despite two rounds of updating of the lists by the local election sub-commission.

This is because many in Hlaing Thayar are migrants from the countryside or residents of illegal slums who often lack household registration certificates used to compile the voter lists.

The UEC has said migrants who are not on the list can apply for voter registration until Oct. 10 by submitting an application form called 3A. This requires applicants to obtain a letter of reference from their ward official and to prove they lived in the area for more than 180 days. Otherwise, they have to return to their former constituency to vote.

Voters and opposition candidates in Hlaing Thayar said the registration options are unclear and cumbersome, and local officials were not always cooperative.

Thinkhar Kyaw, a Hlaing Thayar Lower House candidate for the Rakhine National Development Party, estimated there were some 80,000 migrant workers from Rakhine State employed at local factories who should be eligible to vote, but as few as 10 percent were correctly registered.

“I’m trying to motivate them to fill in the 3A form. Now they are trying to register,” he said, adding that it was often difficult for migrants to prove to local officials that they had lived in the area for at least six months.

NO SOLUTIONS

North Yangon District election sub-commission chairman Aung Khine told Myanmar Now that an estimated 500,000 voters had been properly registered to vote in Hlaing Thayar Township by late September.

He said he was unaware of how many more potential voters were still missing from the lists. He refused to acknowledge that voter registration problems were widespread and said migrants left off the list still had time to submit the 3A form.

He said the behaviour of some illegal squatters in Hlaing Thayar had hindered the registration process: “It’s very hard to register them because they are not interested in the elections and beat the officials who come to register them.”

PACE spokesman Sai Ye Kyawswar Myint said the UEC had shown little initiative in addressing the problems that migrants or squatters face in registering for the Nov. 8 polls.

“We haven't seen any solutions from the UEC regarding this problem. The UEC always said these illegal residents have a place to vote in their native (constituency); the UEC doesn't work on this case with any special policy,” he said.

Saung Kha said his organisation was campaigning in Hlaing Thayar, Shwepyithar, Hmawbi and Dala townships, all poor neighbourhoods on Yangon’s outskirts, in order to encourage the large migrant populations to register to vote.

The campaign, he said, is funded by online donations and with financial support from friends, some of which was used to print 12,000 stickers that read: ’Choose your own future by voting in the elections!’

Saung Kha said, “We are doing this because we don’t have trust in the UEC. If people have knowledge of the voting process, it’s tough for the electoral body to lie to us.”

Courtesy of Myanmar Now

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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