A year into a crippling pandemic, volunteers strain to meet growing needs

In a country where healthcare has long been neglected by those in power, volunteers play an indispensable role in dealing with a deadly crisis

Volunteers assist in the Ayeyarwady Covid-19 treatment centre’s ICU room on November 20. (Photo: Phyo Htet Aung / Myanmar Now) 

In normal times, the Thuwanna stadium in Yangon’s Thingangyun township would be teeming with cheering sports fans. At the end of 2020, however, a far more unnerving scene greets passersby.

These days, you’re more likely to hear ambulances coming and going than the rousing shouts of enthusiastic crowds. All around the stadium, red signs warn people to stay away from restricted areas.

Instead of wearing the colours of their favourite teams, those who walk in and out of a building next to the stadium stands are dressed from head to toe in white personal protective equipment (PPE). 

The building is a temporary intensive care unit (ICU). And the stadium is now a 1,000-bed hospital set up to deal with the growing number of Covid-19 patients overwhelming the city’s hospitals. 

 

 

Called the Ayeyarwady Centre, the facility is part of an effort by the Ministry of Health and Sports to provide care for patients caught in a second deadly wave of the disease.

“I miss my home. I want to have a home-cooked meal. But when I see these patients, I don’t want to leave. I look at them as if they were my own mother or father,” said Tun Aung Lwin, a long-term volunteer.

 

 

But dramatically increasing the number of beds available to Covid-19 patients is just part of the push to tackle this crisis head on. Just as crucial to this effort are the volunteers who help tend to patients’ needs.

One of them is 20-year-old Tun Aung Lwin, who currently works in the ICU building. After nine months on the job, he is already a veteran of the fight against Covid-19, which he joined not long after Myanmar’s first case was discovered in March.

During the first wave, which lasted from March to August, he volunteered at quarantine centres at the City Hotel, the Amara Hall at Yangon University’s Hlaing campus, and the Ywathagyi campus of the Yangon University of Economics.

As the situation stabilized and numbers fell, he took a short break from his volunteer activities. But when the pandemic started roaring back in October, he returned to work.

Speaking to Myanmar Now as he left the ICU building at the end of a shift, he said the strain on healthcare workers and volunteers was now far greater than anything he experienced earlier in the year.

“I miss my home. I want to have a home-cooked meal. But when I see these patients, I don’t want to leave. I look at them as if they were my own mother or father,” he said.

Tun Aung Lwin, who is also in charge of public relations for the student union at the Technological University (Hmawbi), is one of about 300 volunteers at the Ayeyarwady Centre, which also has around 50 doctors and nearly 200 nurses.

In the ongoing struggle to contain Covid-19, volunteers like Tun Aung Lwin have proven to be indispensable, as the country’s resources are stretched to the limit. But now, as the battle drags on, many volunteers are also reaching the point where they feel they can’t go on much longer.

Desperately needed

As of December 29, there were more than 122,000 confirmed cases of Covid-19 in Myanmar and more than 2,600 deaths from the disease, according to the Ministry of Health and Sports. At present, more than 15,000 patients are being treated at hospitals and other medical facilities across the country.

More than 1,000 cases were reported each day until December 19. Since then, the numbers have begun to drop. According to ministry statistics, the number of cases on December 28 was 648, suggesting that containment measures have begun to bring the situation under control.

The Thuwanna stadium was repurposed as a field hospital by the Ayeyarwady Foundation, a non-profit organization, in September. The transformation from an athletic to a medical facility was completed within a few days, and the hospital began treating patients in the second week of the month.

Only experienced volunteers, like Tun Aung Lwin, are allowed to work in the ICU building, where they are at greater risk of infection. Their tasks include removing bedpans, changing bedding, and cleaning patients who have soiled themselves.

Working with patients who have been completely incapacitated by the illness can be difficult even for volunteers who have dealt with milder cases.

“One patient who could not get up at all had diarrhoea. He had made a mess in his bed, and the smell was terrible. This was the first time I had to face such a situation, so I felt nauseated by it,” he said, recalling an early experience in the ICU.

Tun Aung Lwin began volunteering in March after seeing an announcement by the Yangon Region Youth Affairs Committee on his student union’s Facebook page. The committee was recruiting volunteers, so Tun Aung Lwin decided to apply.

“Some of our volunteers have left, so we always need more. I didn’t leave because I was worried that they would run out of people,” said volunteer Hayman Soe.

Now, more than nine months later, he is sharing an apartment near the Thuwanna stadium with nine other volunteers. Every morning at 8am, they take a ferry across the river that separates them from the stadium and are ready for work by 8:30. 

Their first task is to feed and clean the patients. Then, the garbage has to be taken out. Because the PPP that they wear can only be used for four hours, a new shift starts at noon with a different crew of volunteers. 

After spending the morning in the ICU, Tun Aung Lwin heads over to the nearby control room, where he stays until 8pm. His tasks here include transporting oxygen cylinders to wherever they’re needed, and taking out the bodies of those who have died from the coronavirus. 

After a 12-hour day spent assisting doctors and nurses, he returns to his apartment in the dark, taking the same ferry that carried him across to the makeshift hospital that morning.

A spent force

Even with a declining infection rate, the end of the pandemic is still nowhere in sight. Meanwhile, the number of volunteers available to continue the fight has steadily dwindled. 

While many volunteers come and go, however, a few have decided to stay in the struggle for the long haul. Among them is Hayman Soe, a 29-year-old returnee who left a hotel job in the United Arab Emirates during the first wave of the pandemic.

Since starting at the Ayeyarwady Centre in October, she has seen a steady drop in the number of volunteers, she said. When recruiting first started, 100 people would show up to volunteer. Now, however, it’s difficult to find even 20 who are willing to do what she calls the “grunt work” involved in caring for hundreds of patients.

“Some of our volunteers have left, so we always need more. I didn’t leave because I was worried that they would run out of people,” she said.

“We think it is long-term work. We need to create a situation in which volunteers can work in the long run,” said Dr Kaung Myat Soe, who is in charge of the Ayeyarwady centre

She added that as volunteers leave, the workload of those who stay behind steadily increases. This makes it even harder to quit, she said.

Meanwhile, she is worried about what will happen to her old job if she decides to stay on at the Covid-19 centre indefinitely.

“Companies are now hiring again. If I can’t go back to work when they recall me, I will lose my job. But it isn’t easy for me, because I don’t want to leave here,” she said.

But it isn’t only those who help with all the menial tasks who are at risk of burning out, said Dr Kaung Myat Soe, who is in charge of the centre. Many doctors and nurses also volunteer their time, and they are under increasing pressure, he said. 

“I’m very worried that doctors, nurses and other volunteers at the centre will be exhausted,” he told Myanmar Now.

Most of the medical professionals volunteering at the centre were recruited through the Myanmar Medical Association, whose chairman, Dr Htin Aung Saw, said that nearly 1,000 doctors had volunteered for Covid-19-related activities around the country. 

“As the pandemic has gone on for a long time, some doctors have returned to their regular practices, so the number of volunteer doctors is decreasing. That’s why we plan to use this force sparingly, so that those who are currently working will not be exhausted,” he said.

“We think it is long-term work. We need to create a situation in which volunteers can work in the long run,” he added.

Yi Yi Khaing, a lecturer at the Nursing School (Yangon) who went to the border town of Myawaddy in March with 30 nursing students to test migrant workers returning from Thailand for Covid-19, also expressed concern about the sustainability of current efforts to combat the disease.

“The number of health workers is low and the number of volunteers is gradually declining. We just have to try to get by with the human resources that we have,” she said.

Steering the way

On April 25, the government formed the National Volunteer Steering Committee in recognition of the role of volunteers in the fight against Covid-19.

The committee, chaired by State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, is led by Dr Win Myat Aye, the minister for social welfare, relief and resettlement. It aims to train volunteers and coordinate their involvement in the emergency response to Covid-19 in line with government policy.

For some who have joined this effort, the situation remains well under control. Others, however, question how well the government has managed the crisis.

Khine Khine Swe Myint, a member of the Yangon Region Youth Affairs Committee, is one of nearly 1,000 volunteers working with “Volunteers for Covid-19 Yangon,” a local civil society organization. 

She acknowledged that it has been more difficult recruiting new volunteers recently, but felt that this was not a major cause for concern.

“Having to carry corpses every day has become dispiriting work, because even as we do our best, we still see large numbers of people going around without wearing masks,” said volunteer leader Min Thwe Thit 

“For the time being, we are still able to keep our work in balance here. There are a few places where we could use a few more people, but it is not an overloaded situation,” she said.

But Min Thwe Thit, a former leader of the All Burma Federation of Students' Unions, sees the situation differently. 

He started a volunteer group of his own, the Syriam Brothers Group, in Yangon region’s Thanlyin township. It focusses on transporting suspected Covid-19 patients to the hospital and taking away the bodies of those who have died from the disease. 

Min Thwe Thit said that he started out with more than 40 volunteers, but now has only about half that number. Those who remain are, he said, exhausted.

And it isn’t just volunteers who are showing signs of fatigue. Donors are also more reluctant to give than they were in the early months of the pandemic, he said.

But that isn’t the real problem, he insisted. While members of the public were doing everything in their power to assist, the government was failing to do its part, he said. 

“Having to carry corpses every day has become dispiriting work, because even as we do our best, we still see large numbers of people going around without wearing masks,” he said.

“That’s why we’re frustrated with the government’s approach to Covid-19.”

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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