A voice for the Red Shan of Sagaing

As minister for ethnic Shan affairs in Sagaing region, Hmwe Hmwe Khin hopes to continue working for her people 

Hmwe Hmwe Khin, who became Sagaing’s Shan ethnic affairs minister in 2015, is running again this year with hopes of remaining in the position. (Hmwe Hmwe Khin/Facebook)

In a country that has a total of 29 ministers for ethnic affairs (every state and region except Chin state has at least one), Hmwe Hmwe Khin is unique: of the five women currently occupying the position, she is the only one who is not a member of the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD). Instead, she represents the Tai-Leng Nationalities Development Party (TNDP), a party dedicated to advancing the interests of the Shan-ni, or Red Shan, people of northern Myanmar.

Hmwe Hmwe Khin’s position as Sagaing region’s minister for ethnic Shan affairs is unusual in itself. Unlike all other cabinet posts in Myanmar, ethnic affairs ministers are elected directly by their constituents, and not appointed by the ruling party. And while it isn’t a high-powered job, it does offer the right person an opportunity to work for the benefit of often neglected minorities. It was this, Hmwe Hmwe Khine says, that first inspired her to seek the position in 2015.

And it is for the same reason that she hopes to win again this year—to continue her efforts on behalf of the Shan-ni people.

“I want to upgrade all I’ve done in the first five-year period. I want to exert myself to improve their situation,” she says of her second run for office in next month’s election.

 

 

From nurse to politician

Hmwe Hmwe Khin was born in Kettha, a village in Sagaing’s Homalin township. As an ethnic Shan woman from a remote corner of the country, she knows what it is like to live in a community where access to healthcare and education is limited, at best. Despite these challenges, however, she went on to become a nurse, serving in her native Sagaing and neighboring Mandalay region. 

 

 

In 2008, she retired from her work as a nurse to join a pharmaceutical company. She says she first considered getting involved in politics two years later, when Myanmar had its first election in two decades and the political climate began to change. Now 58 and settled in Mandalay with her family, she says that ethnic regions still lag far behind, but she hopes to change that by bringing greater opportunities for social and cultural advancement.

Even though her residence is in Mandalay, Hmwe Hmwe Khin has spent most of her time since becoming Sagaing’s Shan ethnic affairs minister in Monywa, the region’s largest city. She says she once considered a career as a civil servant, but later opted to join the TNDP in order to better serve her people.

“If I had decided to become a public servant, the best I could have hoped for would have been promotion to director, and then I could only have worked for the benefit of my department. It occurred to me that if I wanted to address all of the issues facing my people, I would have to get involved in politics. And so I entered the political arena,” she said.

The TNDP was founded in May 2012 by its current president, Sai Htay Aung, and other Shan-ni leaders. Three years later, some members broke away from the party over ideological differences, but the TNDP, which is headquartered in Mandalay, still managed to field 58 candidates in Sagaing and Kachin state, where most Shan-ni live, in the 2015 election.

As one of only two of candidates from the party to win in that election, Hmwe Hmwe Khin felt vindicated by her victory. She saw it as an important step forward for an ethnic group that has long been left out of Myanmar’s political process.

Speaking the language

As minister for Shan ethnic affairs, Hmwe Hmwe Khin has been hampered by her lack of an independent budget. However, with her limited resources, she has sought to address high-priority issues affecting Shan-ni people, she said.

One of these is the drug crisis that afflicts many remote communities. To the extent that she could, she has established drug rehabilitation centers in villages where the problem is most rife.

Another project has been the promotion of the Shan language. During her first term as minister, she has held not only traditional ceremonies, but also literature conferences aimed at preserving Shan in its written form.

“If the literature disappears, so will the spoken language,” she said, noting that in many villages, most Shan children can’t speak their own language.

“Teaching literature can make them speak,” she said.

But not everyone has been impressed by her efforts.

Dr. Sai Khine Kyaw, a member of a research team for Shan-ni literature, said that as a regional minister, Hmwe Hmwe Khin has done no more than should be expected of her.

“I see nothing special. She did what should be done as a matter of course,” he said.

Hmwe Hmwe Khin acknowledged that her work wasn’t finished yet. If she wins a second term, she said, she will push for legislation that would give the ministry a budget for the development of literature, culture and human resources.

“This will cover matters such as literature, culture, resource exploitation and our rights,” she said. 

Election hopes

While Hmwe Hmwe Khin is hopeful she will be able to fulfill these plans, her main rival in next month’s election said he believes she will have a harder time winning than she did in 2015.

Noting that ethnic parties are narrowly focused on their own ethnic groups, NLD candidate Kyaw Htay Lwin said he thought Shan-ni constituents would be better served by a party with a national vision. 

“Daw Hmwe Hmwe Khin did as much as she could. If I am elected, my responsibility will be to do more than her. Another duty is to gain the credibility of ethnic people,” he said.

A total of eight candidates—four men and four women—will contest in the election for a chance to serve as Sagaing’s Shan ethnic affairs minister.

Although competition will be stiffer this time around, Hmwe Hmwe Khin said she felt good about her chances of winning.

She said she was satisfied with the level of support she had received during her campaign trips and was especially gratified by the sight of so many women cheering her on.

With their support, she said, she was sure to win the election and have a chance to serve the country for another five years.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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