A voice for the Red Shan of Sagaing

As minister for ethnic Shan affairs in Sagaing region, Hmwe Hmwe Khin hopes to continue working for her people 

Hmwe Hmwe Khin, who became Sagaing’s Shan ethnic affairs minister in 2015, is running again this year with hopes of remaining in the position. (Hmwe Hmwe Khin/Facebook)

In a country that has a total of 29 ministers for ethnic affairs (every state and region except Chin state has at least one), Hmwe Hmwe Khin is unique: of the five women currently occupying the position, she is the only one who is not a member of the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD). Instead, she represents the Tai-Leng Nationalities Development Party (TNDP), a party dedicated to advancing the interests of the Shan-ni, or Red Shan, people of northern Myanmar.

Hmwe Hmwe Khin’s position as Sagaing region’s minister for ethnic Shan affairs is unusual in itself. Unlike all other cabinet posts in Myanmar, ethnic affairs ministers are elected directly by their constituents, and not appointed by the ruling party. And while it isn’t a high-powered job, it does offer the right person an opportunity to work for the benefit of often neglected minorities. It was this, Hmwe Hmwe Khine says, that first inspired her to seek the position in 2015.

And it is for the same reason that she hopes to win again this year—to continue her efforts on behalf of the Shan-ni people.

“I want to upgrade all I’ve done in the first five-year period. I want to exert myself to improve their situation,” she says of her second run for office in next month’s election.

 

 

From nurse to politician

Hmwe Hmwe Khin was born in Kettha, a village in Sagaing’s Homalin township. As an ethnic Shan woman from a remote corner of the country, she knows what it is like to live in a community where access to healthcare and education is limited, at best. Despite these challenges, however, she went on to become a nurse, serving in her native Sagaing and neighboring Mandalay region. 

 

 

In 2008, she retired from her work as a nurse to join a pharmaceutical company. She says she first considered getting involved in politics two years later, when Myanmar had its first election in two decades and the political climate began to change. Now 58 and settled in Mandalay with her family, she says that ethnic regions still lag far behind, but she hopes to change that by bringing greater opportunities for social and cultural advancement.

Even though her residence is in Mandalay, Hmwe Hmwe Khin has spent most of her time since becoming Sagaing’s Shan ethnic affairs minister in Monywa, the region’s largest city. She says she once considered a career as a civil servant, but later opted to join the TNDP in order to better serve her people.

“If I had decided to become a public servant, the best I could have hoped for would have been promotion to director, and then I could only have worked for the benefit of my department. It occurred to me that if I wanted to address all of the issues facing my people, I would have to get involved in politics. And so I entered the political arena,” she said.

The TNDP was founded in May 2012 by its current president, Sai Htay Aung, and other Shan-ni leaders. Three years later, some members broke away from the party over ideological differences, but the TNDP, which is headquartered in Mandalay, still managed to field 58 candidates in Sagaing and Kachin state, where most Shan-ni live, in the 2015 election.

As one of only two of candidates from the party to win in that election, Hmwe Hmwe Khin felt vindicated by her victory. She saw it as an important step forward for an ethnic group that has long been left out of Myanmar’s political process.

Speaking the language

As minister for Shan ethnic affairs, Hmwe Hmwe Khin has been hampered by her lack of an independent budget. However, with her limited resources, she has sought to address high-priority issues affecting Shan-ni people, she said.

One of these is the drug crisis that afflicts many remote communities. To the extent that she could, she has established drug rehabilitation centers in villages where the problem is most rife.

Another project has been the promotion of the Shan language. During her first term as minister, she has held not only traditional ceremonies, but also literature conferences aimed at preserving Shan in its written form.

“If the literature disappears, so will the spoken language,” she said, noting that in many villages, most Shan children can’t speak their own language.

“Teaching literature can make them speak,” she said.

But not everyone has been impressed by her efforts.

Dr. Sai Khine Kyaw, a member of a research team for Shan-ni literature, said that as a regional minister, Hmwe Hmwe Khin has done no more than should be expected of her.

“I see nothing special. She did what should be done as a matter of course,” he said.

Hmwe Hmwe Khin acknowledged that her work wasn’t finished yet. If she wins a second term, she said, she will push for legislation that would give the ministry a budget for the development of literature, culture and human resources.

“This will cover matters such as literature, culture, resource exploitation and our rights,” she said. 

Election hopes

While Hmwe Hmwe Khin is hopeful she will be able to fulfill these plans, her main rival in next month’s election said he believes she will have a harder time winning than she did in 2015.

Noting that ethnic parties are narrowly focused on their own ethnic groups, NLD candidate Kyaw Htay Lwin said he thought Shan-ni constituents would be better served by a party with a national vision. 

“Daw Hmwe Hmwe Khin did as much as she could. If I am elected, my responsibility will be to do more than her. Another duty is to gain the credibility of ethnic people,” he said.

A total of eight candidates—four men and four women—will contest in the election for a chance to serve as Sagaing’s Shan ethnic affairs minister.

Although competition will be stiffer this time around, Hmwe Hmwe Khin said she felt good about her chances of winning.

She said she was satisfied with the level of support she had received during her campaign trips and was especially gratified by the sight of so many women cheering her on.

With their support, she said, she was sure to win the election and have a chance to serve the country for another five years.

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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