A veteran of Rakhine party politics heads into this year’s election on her own 

After years as a stalwart of ethnic Rakhine political parties, Htoot May has decided to run as an independent in her latest bid for public office

Published on Oct 14, 2020
Htoot May will run as an independent candidate for Rakhine ethnic affairs minister in Yangon region (Htoot May’s Facebook)
Htoot May will run as an independent candidate for Rakhine ethnic affairs minister in Yangon region (Htoot May’s Facebook)

As a young girl from Ramree Island in southern Rakhine state, Htoot May walked three miles to school every day. In a region prone to heavy rainfall, this hour-long hike often left her drenched, but never dampened her determination to get an education.

“I had to walk to school without an umbrella during the monsoon season from the fourth to the ninth grade, and had to sit through classes in wet clothes. I had to dry my wet textbooks on a stove,” she recalls.

As a native of Myanmar’s second-poorest state, Htoot May is keenly aware of the needs of her people. Even today, many lack the electricity that she, too, had to live without as she studied by the dim light of kerosene lamps. 

Born into a poor farming family, she has never forgotten the hardships of her early life. Indeed, as she faces her first solo run for public office after a successful career in Rakhine party politics, she finds that recalling the past helps to stiffen her resolve in the face of new challenges.

 

 

“I have faced many political problems in 2020,” said Htoot May.

For most of her political life, Htoot May has been firmly behind whatever party she belonged to. But that changed earlier this year when circumstances forced her to make the difficult choice to run as an independent candidate in next month’s election.

 

 

The Arakan National Party (ANP), the party she stood for in Myanmar’s last election in 2015, split in 2017 over disagreements among top leaders. Then, two years later, the party decided that it wouldn’t accept resignations from members who wanted to join rival parties to run in this year’s election. That left only one option: a solo run as an independent.

Htoot May was among those who decided to take this route. She will be standing as an independent candidate for the position of Rakhine ethnic affair minister in Yangon region in the 2020 election. 

“I have faced many political problems in 2020. Although I was all for national unity, I was in a position where I was not allowed to freely share these political problems with the public. That’s why I decided to run as an independent candidate,” said the upper house MP who is now facing her first contest as a candidate without the backing of an established party.

The road from Ramree to the national political stage 

Htoot May’s journey to political prominence probably began in 1996, when her family moved from Rakhine state to Bahan township in Yangon. It was there that she discovered the struggles Rakhine people faced in the country were not merely material.

School was her first hurdle: As an ethnic Rakhine, she soon discovered that her lack of fluency in the Myanmar language was a real problem. But true to form, she persisted until she could more than hold her own in the country’s dominant language.

Despite her disadvantages, she and her family continued to make strides in their new home. After high school, she furthered her education through distance learning and worked at her family’s tailor and gold shops. 

As part of her ongoing effort to broaden her horizons, she also started studying English. She did this at the Schooler Institute, a language center founded by Rakhine youths in Yangon, and at Manawramma, a non-profit education center. She later volunteered as a teacher at both centers.

But even as she continued to widen her worldview, she turned her gaze back to the place that she considered home. In Myay Pone and Minbya townships in Rakhine, she taught English and politics to Rakhine youths. She also gave leadership training to women to promote women’s participation in politics.

It was her involvement in the 2007 Saffron Revolution that finally propelled her into national politics.

This experience heightened her awareness of the Rakhine’s people’s loss of equal rights and autonomy, which she says has fueled their desire for revolution and democracy. It also led her to a life of politics.

Her first political home was the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD), a party that enjoyed strong support in Rakhine state when it contested the 1990 election. The attraction for her, she said, was the party’s stance on equal rights and autonomy for Myanmar’s ethnic minorities and commitment to achieving a genuine federal union. By 2006, she was the leader of the ALD’s youth wing.

Meanwhile, she remained active in other groups whose policies she supported. She worked as a trainer for the women’s empowerment program at the Arakkha Foundation, a non-profit organization that provides assistance to disadvantaged students. She was also the president of the American Center’s Arakan Club and a coordinator for the Shwe Gas movement.

Then she started her own foundation to support her efforts to shape the future of Rakhine state through education. Among other things, the Htoot May Youth and Education Foundation has given scholarships to Rakhine youths who want to study abroad.

But it was her involvement in the 2007 Saffron Revolution that finally propelled her into national politics. She continued her work with the ALD, all the while striving to deepen her understanding of the social conditions of Rakhine state’s ethnic peoples. By the time Myanmar went to the polls again in 2015, she was ready to take the plunge and run for public office.

Htoot May, MP

Htoot May was a member of the ALD’s central executive committee when it decided to merge with the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) ahead of the 2015 election. And so it was under the banner of the newly formed ANP that she ran—and won—as a candidate for a seat in the national parliament representing Rakhine state. 

Since then, she has established herself as one of the most active legislators in Naypyitaw. She often submits policy proposals and regularly asks questions about issues raised by her fellow MPs. She is also the secretary of the upper house committee on international relations and secretary of the joint committee on the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly. 

But her focus, as always, has been on ensuring that the Rakhine people get the support they need.

Her slogan: “To raise Rakhine’s image and increase Rakhine’s dignity.”

During a parliamentary session in May, she raised the issue of how the Rakhine ethnic affairs ministry’s budget was being used and asked whether there was a plan to set up a center for Rakhine youths in Yangon. A ministry official assured her that a Rakhine community center would soon be established. 

According to Htoot May, the center will help young people in Yangon’s Rakhine community improve their job prospects by offering them training to upgrade their skills, as well as legal advice on how to protect their rights in the workplace. It will also work for the development of township associations from the 17 townships in Rakhine state, she added.

Now, as a candidate to become Yangon’s Rakhine affairs minister, she hopes she will soon be in a position to focus evenly more closely on the needs of her people.

As an independent candidate, she has adopted the traditional Vesali open-oil lamp as the symbol of her Rakhine heritage. Her slogan: “To raise Rakhine’s image and increase Rakhine’s dignity.”

“I am prepared to do my best in Yangon with the experience I gained during my five-year term as a member of parliament, and I will spare no effort,” she said. 

A popular candidate and a savvy campaign

A total of six candidates—three from established parties and three independents—are in the running to become the Rakhine ethnic affairs minister in Yangon region. 

That means Htoot May will need all the support she can get. 

Luckily, she doesn’t seem to have any trouble getting endorsements from those familiar with her work.

“She has taken administration and management studies, and her proposals in the parliament were very strong. She is a young, single woman, and unlike the other MPs, she does not come from a politically privileged background,” said Khaing Kaung San, the director of the Wan Lark Rural Development Foundation, a CSO that assists those displaced by conflict in Rakhine state.

But ultimately, it will be the support of voters that matters most.

According to the Yangon region election commission, more than 110, 000 eligible ethnic Rakhine voters had registered in the region as of October 6.

One of them is Zin Chay, a garment factory worker who is originally from Yepoke, a village in Rathedaung township. She said she believed Htoot May had the best interests of the Rakhine people at heart, and that she represents the whole Rakhine community. 

“We hid in bomb shelters. We had to pack our bags and run when the planes raided our village. I hate that life. I saw Htoot May speak in parliament on behalf of the displaced people, and I respect her,” she said.

Despite restrictions related to the Covid-19 pandemic, Htoot May has managed to maintain an active campaign by relying on technology to reach out to her would-be constituents. 

Once a week, she hosts “Htoot May’s Sunday Talk” as part of her online campaign activities. She also conducts virtual Q&A sessions with members of the ethnic Rakhine community, including entrepreneurs and ordinary voters.

When she isn’t pointing to her record on issues that matter to Rakhine people, she is hammering home a message about another subject that all voters care about: corruption. 

“It is very important for a politician not to pillage the public’s funds. A politician must not be corrupted,” she said. 

Thant Mrat Khaing is Reporter with Myanmar Now. He is based in Maungdaw, Rakhine State.

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading

The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

Continue Reading

A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

Continue Reading