A veteran of Rakhine party politics heads into this year’s election on her own 

After years as a stalwart of ethnic Rakhine political parties, Htoot May has decided to run as an independent in her latest bid for public office

Htoot May will run as an independent candidate for Rakhine ethnic affairs minister in Yangon region (Htoot May’s Facebook)

As a young girl from Ramree Island in southern Rakhine state, Htoot May walked three miles to school every day. In a region prone to heavy rainfall, this hour-long hike often left her drenched, but never dampened her determination to get an education.

“I had to walk to school without an umbrella during the monsoon season from the fourth to the ninth grade, and had to sit through classes in wet clothes. I had to dry my wet textbooks on a stove,” she recalls.

As a native of Myanmar’s second-poorest state, Htoot May is keenly aware of the needs of her people. Even today, many lack the electricity that she, too, had to live without as she studied by the dim light of kerosene lamps. 

Born into a poor farming family, she has never forgotten the hardships of her early life. Indeed, as she faces her first solo run for public office after a successful career in Rakhine party politics, she finds that recalling the past helps to stiffen her resolve in the face of new challenges.

 

 

“I have faced many political problems in 2020,” said Htoot May.

For most of her political life, Htoot May has been firmly behind whatever party she belonged to. But that changed earlier this year when circumstances forced her to make the difficult choice to run as an independent candidate in next month’s election.

 

 

The Arakan National Party (ANP), the party she stood for in Myanmar’s last election in 2015, split in 2017 over disagreements among top leaders. Then, two years later, the party decided that it wouldn’t accept resignations from members who wanted to join rival parties to run in this year’s election. That left only one option: a solo run as an independent.

Htoot May was among those who decided to take this route. She will be standing as an independent candidate for the position of Rakhine ethnic affair minister in Yangon region in the 2020 election. 

“I have faced many political problems in 2020. Although I was all for national unity, I was in a position where I was not allowed to freely share these political problems with the public. That’s why I decided to run as an independent candidate,” said the upper house MP who is now facing her first contest as a candidate without the backing of an established party.

The road from Ramree to the national political stage 

Htoot May’s journey to political prominence probably began in 1996, when her family moved from Rakhine state to Bahan township in Yangon. It was there that she discovered the struggles Rakhine people faced in the country were not merely material.

School was her first hurdle: As an ethnic Rakhine, she soon discovered that her lack of fluency in the Myanmar language was a real problem. But true to form, she persisted until she could more than hold her own in the country’s dominant language.

Despite her disadvantages, she and her family continued to make strides in their new home. After high school, she furthered her education through distance learning and worked at her family’s tailor and gold shops. 

As part of her ongoing effort to broaden her horizons, she also started studying English. She did this at the Schooler Institute, a language center founded by Rakhine youths in Yangon, and at Manawramma, a non-profit education center. She later volunteered as a teacher at both centers.

But even as she continued to widen her worldview, she turned her gaze back to the place that she considered home. In Myay Pone and Minbya townships in Rakhine, she taught English and politics to Rakhine youths. She also gave leadership training to women to promote women’s participation in politics.

It was her involvement in the 2007 Saffron Revolution that finally propelled her into national politics.

This experience heightened her awareness of the Rakhine’s people’s loss of equal rights and autonomy, which she says has fueled their desire for revolution and democracy. It also led her to a life of politics.

Her first political home was the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD), a party that enjoyed strong support in Rakhine state when it contested the 1990 election. The attraction for her, she said, was the party’s stance on equal rights and autonomy for Myanmar’s ethnic minorities and commitment to achieving a genuine federal union. By 2006, she was the leader of the ALD’s youth wing.

Meanwhile, she remained active in other groups whose policies she supported. She worked as a trainer for the women’s empowerment program at the Arakkha Foundation, a non-profit organization that provides assistance to disadvantaged students. She was also the president of the American Center’s Arakan Club and a coordinator for the Shwe Gas movement.

Then she started her own foundation to support her efforts to shape the future of Rakhine state through education. Among other things, the Htoot May Youth and Education Foundation has given scholarships to Rakhine youths who want to study abroad.

But it was her involvement in the 2007 Saffron Revolution that finally propelled her into national politics. She continued her work with the ALD, all the while striving to deepen her understanding of the social conditions of Rakhine state’s ethnic peoples. By the time Myanmar went to the polls again in 2015, she was ready to take the plunge and run for public office.

Htoot May, MP

Htoot May was a member of the ALD’s central executive committee when it decided to merge with the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) ahead of the 2015 election. And so it was under the banner of the newly formed ANP that she ran—and won—as a candidate for a seat in the national parliament representing Rakhine state. 

Since then, she has established herself as one of the most active legislators in Naypyitaw. She often submits policy proposals and regularly asks questions about issues raised by her fellow MPs. She is also the secretary of the upper house committee on international relations and secretary of the joint committee on the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly. 

But her focus, as always, has been on ensuring that the Rakhine people get the support they need.

Her slogan: “To raise Rakhine’s image and increase Rakhine’s dignity.”

During a parliamentary session in May, she raised the issue of how the Rakhine ethnic affairs ministry’s budget was being used and asked whether there was a plan to set up a center for Rakhine youths in Yangon. A ministry official assured her that a Rakhine community center would soon be established. 

According to Htoot May, the center will help young people in Yangon’s Rakhine community improve their job prospects by offering them training to upgrade their skills, as well as legal advice on how to protect their rights in the workplace. It will also work for the development of township associations from the 17 townships in Rakhine state, she added.

Now, as a candidate to become Yangon’s Rakhine affairs minister, she hopes she will soon be in a position to focus evenly more closely on the needs of her people.

As an independent candidate, she has adopted the traditional Vesali open-oil lamp as the symbol of her Rakhine heritage. Her slogan: “To raise Rakhine’s image and increase Rakhine’s dignity.”

“I am prepared to do my best in Yangon with the experience I gained during my five-year term as a member of parliament, and I will spare no effort,” she said. 

A popular candidate and a savvy campaign

A total of six candidates—three from established parties and three independents—are in the running to become the Rakhine ethnic affairs minister in Yangon region. 

That means Htoot May will need all the support she can get. 

Luckily, she doesn’t seem to have any trouble getting endorsements from those familiar with her work.

“She has taken administration and management studies, and her proposals in the parliament were very strong. She is a young, single woman, and unlike the other MPs, she does not come from a politically privileged background,” said Khaing Kaung San, the director of the Wan Lark Rural Development Foundation, a CSO that assists those displaced by conflict in Rakhine state.

But ultimately, it will be the support of voters that matters most.

According to the Yangon region election commission, more than 110, 000 eligible ethnic Rakhine voters had registered in the region as of October 6.

One of them is Zin Chay, a garment factory worker who is originally from Yepoke, a village in Rathedaung township. She said she believed Htoot May had the best interests of the Rakhine people at heart, and that she represents the whole Rakhine community. 

“We hid in bomb shelters. We had to pack our bags and run when the planes raided our village. I hate that life. I saw Htoot May speak in parliament on behalf of the displaced people, and I respect her,” she said.

Despite restrictions related to the Covid-19 pandemic, Htoot May has managed to maintain an active campaign by relying on technology to reach out to her would-be constituents. 

Once a week, she hosts “Htoot May’s Sunday Talk” as part of her online campaign activities. She also conducts virtual Q&A sessions with members of the ethnic Rakhine community, including entrepreneurs and ordinary voters.

When she isn’t pointing to her record on issues that matter to Rakhine people, she is hammering home a message about another subject that all voters care about: corruption. 

“It is very important for a politician not to pillage the public’s funds. A politician must not be corrupted,” she said. 

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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