A veteran of Rakhine party politics heads into this year’s election on her own 

After years as a stalwart of ethnic Rakhine political parties, Htoot May has decided to run as an independent in her latest bid for public office

Htoot May will run as an independent candidate for Rakhine ethnic affairs minister in Yangon region (Htoot May’s Facebook)

As a young girl from Ramree Island in southern Rakhine state, Htoot May walked three miles to school every day. In a region prone to heavy rainfall, this hour-long hike often left her drenched, but never dampened her determination to get an education.

“I had to walk to school without an umbrella during the monsoon season from the fourth to the ninth grade, and had to sit through classes in wet clothes. I had to dry my wet textbooks on a stove,” she recalls.

As a native of Myanmar’s second-poorest state, Htoot May is keenly aware of the needs of her people. Even today, many lack the electricity that she, too, had to live without as she studied by the dim light of kerosene lamps. 

Born into a poor farming family, she has never forgotten the hardships of her early life. Indeed, as she faces her first solo run for public office after a successful career in Rakhine party politics, she finds that recalling the past helps to stiffen her resolve in the face of new challenges.

 

 

“I have faced many political problems in 2020,” said Htoot May.

For most of her political life, Htoot May has been firmly behind whatever party she belonged to. But that changed earlier this year when circumstances forced her to make the difficult choice to run as an independent candidate in next month’s election.

 

 

The Arakan National Party (ANP), the party she stood for in Myanmar’s last election in 2015, split in 2017 over disagreements among top leaders. Then, two years later, the party decided that it wouldn’t accept resignations from members who wanted to join rival parties to run in this year’s election. That left only one option: a solo run as an independent.

Htoot May was among those who decided to take this route. She will be standing as an independent candidate for the position of Rakhine ethnic affair minister in Yangon region in the 2020 election. 

“I have faced many political problems in 2020. Although I was all for national unity, I was in a position where I was not allowed to freely share these political problems with the public. That’s why I decided to run as an independent candidate,” said the upper house MP who is now facing her first contest as a candidate without the backing of an established party.

The road from Ramree to the national political stage 

Htoot May’s journey to political prominence probably began in 1996, when her family moved from Rakhine state to Bahan township in Yangon. It was there that she discovered the struggles Rakhine people faced in the country were not merely material.

School was her first hurdle: As an ethnic Rakhine, she soon discovered that her lack of fluency in the Myanmar language was a real problem. But true to form, she persisted until she could more than hold her own in the country’s dominant language.

Despite her disadvantages, she and her family continued to make strides in their new home. After high school, she furthered her education through distance learning and worked at her family’s tailor and gold shops. 

As part of her ongoing effort to broaden her horizons, she also started studying English. She did this at the Schooler Institute, a language center founded by Rakhine youths in Yangon, and at Manawramma, a non-profit education center. She later volunteered as a teacher at both centers.

But even as she continued to widen her worldview, she turned her gaze back to the place that she considered home. In Myay Pone and Minbya townships in Rakhine, she taught English and politics to Rakhine youths. She also gave leadership training to women to promote women’s participation in politics.

It was her involvement in the 2007 Saffron Revolution that finally propelled her into national politics.

This experience heightened her awareness of the Rakhine’s people’s loss of equal rights and autonomy, which she says has fueled their desire for revolution and democracy. It also led her to a life of politics.

Her first political home was the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD), a party that enjoyed strong support in Rakhine state when it contested the 1990 election. The attraction for her, she said, was the party’s stance on equal rights and autonomy for Myanmar’s ethnic minorities and commitment to achieving a genuine federal union. By 2006, she was the leader of the ALD’s youth wing.

Meanwhile, she remained active in other groups whose policies she supported. She worked as a trainer for the women’s empowerment program at the Arakkha Foundation, a non-profit organization that provides assistance to disadvantaged students. She was also the president of the American Center’s Arakan Club and a coordinator for the Shwe Gas movement.

Then she started her own foundation to support her efforts to shape the future of Rakhine state through education. Among other things, the Htoot May Youth and Education Foundation has given scholarships to Rakhine youths who want to study abroad.

But it was her involvement in the 2007 Saffron Revolution that finally propelled her into national politics. She continued her work with the ALD, all the while striving to deepen her understanding of the social conditions of Rakhine state’s ethnic peoples. By the time Myanmar went to the polls again in 2015, she was ready to take the plunge and run for public office.

Htoot May, MP

Htoot May was a member of the ALD’s central executive committee when it decided to merge with the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) ahead of the 2015 election. And so it was under the banner of the newly formed ANP that she ran—and won—as a candidate for a seat in the national parliament representing Rakhine state. 

Since then, she has established herself as one of the most active legislators in Naypyitaw. She often submits policy proposals and regularly asks questions about issues raised by her fellow MPs. She is also the secretary of the upper house committee on international relations and secretary of the joint committee on the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly. 

But her focus, as always, has been on ensuring that the Rakhine people get the support they need.

Her slogan: “To raise Rakhine’s image and increase Rakhine’s dignity.”

During a parliamentary session in May, she raised the issue of how the Rakhine ethnic affairs ministry’s budget was being used and asked whether there was a plan to set up a center for Rakhine youths in Yangon. A ministry official assured her that a Rakhine community center would soon be established. 

According to Htoot May, the center will help young people in Yangon’s Rakhine community improve their job prospects by offering them training to upgrade their skills, as well as legal advice on how to protect their rights in the workplace. It will also work for the development of township associations from the 17 townships in Rakhine state, she added.

Now, as a candidate to become Yangon’s Rakhine affairs minister, she hopes she will soon be in a position to focus evenly more closely on the needs of her people.

As an independent candidate, she has adopted the traditional Vesali open-oil lamp as the symbol of her Rakhine heritage. Her slogan: “To raise Rakhine’s image and increase Rakhine’s dignity.”

“I am prepared to do my best in Yangon with the experience I gained during my five-year term as a member of parliament, and I will spare no effort,” she said. 

A popular candidate and a savvy campaign

A total of six candidates—three from established parties and three independents—are in the running to become the Rakhine ethnic affairs minister in Yangon region. 

That means Htoot May will need all the support she can get. 

Luckily, she doesn’t seem to have any trouble getting endorsements from those familiar with her work.

“She has taken administration and management studies, and her proposals in the parliament were very strong. She is a young, single woman, and unlike the other MPs, she does not come from a politically privileged background,” said Khaing Kaung San, the director of the Wan Lark Rural Development Foundation, a CSO that assists those displaced by conflict in Rakhine state.

But ultimately, it will be the support of voters that matters most.

According to the Yangon region election commission, more than 110, 000 eligible ethnic Rakhine voters had registered in the region as of October 6.

One of them is Zin Chay, a garment factory worker who is originally from Yepoke, a village in Rathedaung township. She said she believed Htoot May had the best interests of the Rakhine people at heart, and that she represents the whole Rakhine community. 

“We hid in bomb shelters. We had to pack our bags and run when the planes raided our village. I hate that life. I saw Htoot May speak in parliament on behalf of the displaced people, and I respect her,” she said.

Despite restrictions related to the Covid-19 pandemic, Htoot May has managed to maintain an active campaign by relying on technology to reach out to her would-be constituents. 

Once a week, she hosts “Htoot May’s Sunday Talk” as part of her online campaign activities. She also conducts virtual Q&A sessions with members of the ethnic Rakhine community, including entrepreneurs and ordinary voters.

When she isn’t pointing to her record on issues that matter to Rakhine people, she is hammering home a message about another subject that all voters care about: corruption. 

“It is very important for a politician not to pillage the public’s funds. A politician must not be corrupted,” she said. 

An ex-convict businessman says that he gave the State Counsellor more than $550,000 in cash when ‘there was no one around.’ 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Maung Weik (first from left) is pictured near State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi at the opening ceremony of a government housing built by his Say Paing Company. (Maung Weik/ Facebook)

The military council announced on March 17 that it would attempt to charge State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained since Myanmar’s February 1 coup, with corruption.

The junta’s move is linked to new allegations against Aung San Suu Kyi by businessman Maung Weik. The owner of the Say Paing construction and development company, Maung Weik was formerly imprisoned on drug charges and is known to have close relationships with members of the military’s inner circle.  

Military-run media aired a recorded statement made by Maung Weik alleging that he had given Aung San Suu Kyi more than US$550,000 in cash-filled envelopes on the four occasions he met her between 2018 and 2020. 

“There was no one around when I gave her the money,” he said in the video statement. 

Under Myanmar’s earlier military regime, Maung Weik maintained ties to several generals, including former intelligence chief Khin Nyunt.

He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on drug charges in 2008, but was released in 2014 while the country was led by the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.  

Upon his release, Maung Weik founded Say Paing–a construction company–and ran various business ventures through his connections to military officials.  

Maung Weik’s wife is also the niece of military-appointed Vice President Myint Swe, who was also the former chief minister of Yangon under the former military administration. 

The coup council announced on March 11 that the now-ousted National League for Democracy’s (NLD) Yangon Region chief minister Phyo Min Thein had given Aung San Suu Kyi $600,000 and more than 11 kilograms of gold. The announcement provided no reason as to why the money and gold were allegedly given to the State Counsellor by the chief minister. 

A top NLD figure told Myanmar Now that the funds in question were donations to build a pagoda. 

“They’re trying to fabricate this and ruin [Aung San Suu Kyi’s] reputation, but the public already clearly knows it’s not true. There’s no need to say anything else,” the official said. 

The junta has also accused the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation and an affiliated project, the La Yaung Taw Academy, of losing public funds. The foundation was founded by Aung San Suu Kyi and named after her late mother. 

According to the military council, the land lease for the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s headquarters, located on Yangon’s University Avenue, is not commensurate with the market price for land in the area. It argues that the country had lost more than 1 billion kyat (more than $700,000) in public funds as a result.

The junta declared that from 2013 to 2021, more than $7.9 million in donations from foreign NGOs, INGOs, companies and individual international donors flowed into the foundation’s three foreign currency accounts.

Also under investigation by the junta is the La Yaung Taw Academy in Naypyitaw, which trains young people in environmental conservation and horticulture in association with the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation. The military said the rate at which the land for the project was purchased came at a discount of at least 18 billion kyat (more than $12.7 million), which was subsequently a loss to the state. 

It also reportedly included some plans—such as the construction of a museum—that used funds in a way that strayed from the project’s, and the Daw Khin Kyi Foundation’s, original aims.

“The construction of a building with finance from the foundation for the chair of the foundation has deviated from the foundation’s objective,” the March 17 announcement in the military-run newspaper said. 

Prior to the corruption allegations, the military council had hit Aung San Suu Kyi with four charges at the Zabuthiri Township court in Naypyitaw.

She has been accused of violating Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries a sentence of two years in prison; Article 67 of the communications law for possession of unauthorized items; an import-export charge for owning walkie-talkie devices; and a charge under the Natural Disaster Management Law for not following Covid-19 measures during the 2020 election campaign period.

The military council has not allowed Aung San Suu Kyi to meet with her legal team. 

“I’ll most likely see her via video conferencing on March 24 for the next hearing,” lawyer Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

The military council has only allowed lawyers Yu Ya Chit and Min Min Soe to take on Aung San Suu Kyi’s case, ignoring the requests of more established legal experts, including Khin Maung Zaw and Kyi Win, to be granted power of attorney.

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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A month and a half after the military seized power, most banks in Myanmar are barely operating

Published on Mar 18, 2021
People queue in front of a KBZ Bank branch in Yangon on March 17. (Supplied) 

Banking in Myanmar has come almost to standstill in the more than six weeks since the February 1 coup, with only basic services still available at a limited number of locations.

In the commercial capital Yangon, only a handful of branches of two of the biggest domestic banks, KBZ and AYA, remain open, according to customers.

As of Wednesday afternoon, every bank in the city’s Yankin, Tamwe, Bahan, Thingangyun and South Okkalapa townships appeared to be closed, Myanmar Now found in an effort to confirm these reports.

However, a customer who had used the AYA Bank branch on Sayarsan road in Yankin said it was still open for withdrawals.

Meanwhile, services in other cities were even more restricted.  In Mawlamyine, the capital of Mon state, local sources said there was only one KBZ Bank branch still in operation on Wednesday, while all banks were reportedly closed in Bago. 

While some banks continue to fill ATMs with cash, few other services are available, bank employees said. 

Unhappy customers

Large crowds have been reported at some of the few branches in Yangon that are still dispensing cash, occasionally resulting in tensions between staff and customers.

“At the KBZ Bank headquarters on Pyay road, they were writing down people’s names and phone numbers as the crowd got bigger. They said they would get back to us,” said Aye Aye Phway, a customer who was seeking to withdraw money.

KBZ Bank came under fire on Tuesday when four of its customers were arrested following a dispute with bank staff. 

On Wednesday, the bank released a statement denying that it had called the police, as alleged by some who criticized its handling of the incident. It also said that it would assist the customers who had been detained.

According to the junta-controlled broadcaster MRTV, the customers were arrested for pressuring bank staff to take part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) against military rule.   

Pressure from above

A month after many of their employees joined the CDM, privately-owned banks have come under growing pressure from the junta to reopen for business.   

Banks that haven’t reopened have been instructed to turn over all of their customers’ information to the state-owned Myanma Economic Bank or one of two military-owned banks, Innwa Bank or Myawady Bank. 

The Central Bank of Myanmar would not be responsible for the consequences if banks failed to abide by this demand, the regime warned.

The regime originally issued this order, through the Central Bank, on March 8, to no avail. Despite repeating it again on Wednesday, the situation remains unchanged.

Currently, private banks are required to allow regular customers to withdraw 500,000 kyat per day from ATMs or 2,000,000 kyat per week if they appear at the bank in person. 

Companies are permitted to withdraw 20 million kyat at a time, according to Central Bank instructions issued on March 1.

Myanmar has 27 private banks and 17 branches of foreign-owned banks.

Editor's note: This article has been edited to include KBZ Bank's statement on the arrest of four of its customers on Tuesday and the state-owned broadcaster MRTV's claims about the incident.

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some of those released were made to sign a statement confirming military allegations of electoral fraud in their respective townships, an official said.

Published on Mar 18, 2021
An election official shows a ballot for verification in Yangon’s Kyauktada Township on November 8 (Myanmar Now)

The military regime on Wednesday released all election sub-commission members who were detained following last month’s coup, state and township level election officials said.

The coup regime detained the state, regional and township-level sub-commission members on February 11, ten days after it seized power, and tried to justify the move with unsubstantiated claims of fraud during Myanmar’s 2020 general election. 

They members were released on Wednesday morning, confirming rumours on Tuesday that they would be freed.

State and regional commission members were detained at divisional military headquarters, while township level members were detained at guest quarters inside battalion bases.

Some members of township-level sub-commissions were made to sign a statement before their release confirming the military’s findings about voting irregularities in their areas during the November 8 poll, said a chair of a state-level sub-commission who asked not to be named.

But one member of a township sub-commission denied that they had to sign such a statement.

Kyi Myint, chair of the Yangon Region sub-commission, said that the military didn’t ask him to sign anything and there was no interrogation. 

“We were summoned and asked to take a rest,” Kyi Myint said.

He added that he didn’t know why the military had allowed them to go home. Nor did he know the situation of members of the union-level commission who were also detained.

Kin Khanh Pawng, chair of the township sub-commission in Kale, Sagaing, was detained in mid-February and was among those released on Wednesday. He said he was called in to help with data and paperwork.

“I had to help them find the data they wanted to see,” he said.

A new union election commission body was formed a day after the military seized state power and arrested civilian leaders on February 1.

The new commission met with 53 political parties on February 26 and officially annulled the results of the 2020 general election.

Another 38 registered parties did not attend that meeting. They include the Shan National League for Democracy, the Democratic Party for a New Society, and the People's Party.

 

 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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